A common sound change involves the Debuccalization of a fricative such as [x] to a laryngeal like [h]. A controversial question is whether or not the reverse development is attested as well, i. e. the Buccalization of [h] to a sound with a supralaryngeal articulation like [x]. Vennemann (Language 48: 863–892, 1972) proposes an approach according to which [x] can debuccalize into [h], but the latter sound cannot buccalize into [x]. By contrast, Howell (Old English Breaking and its Germanic Analogues, Tübingen, 1991) advocates a model which allows for both Debuccalizations and Buccalizations.
The present article critically examines the status of Buccalizations which have been argued to have transpired in the history of Germanic with the intention of clarifying which approach is correct. It will be argued that the change from [h] to a sound like [x] is only attested under the following two conditions: (a) the change is analogical, or (b) the change involves the shift from one allophone of a phoneme to another allophone of the same phoneme. All examples in Howell (Old English Breaking and its Germanic Analogues, Tübingen, 1991) which cannot be attributed to (a) or (b) will be shown to have an independent explanation not requiring the sound change from [h] into [x].
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