Abstract

Ā-scrambling in Dutch gives rise to ungrammaticality if it places an element subordinate in information structure in a position where it c-commands a superordinate element, even though a base-generated configuration of this type is well-formed. We propose an account of this phenomenon based on two claims: (i) Ā-scrambling is a scope-marking movement and (ii) scope-extending movement creates a barrier for QR. The bulk of our evidence comes from interactions between topics and foci, but we also consider interactions between foci that are in a superordinate/subordinate relation from an information-structural perspective. Exploration of the focus data reveals a further constraint that affects foci accompanied by a focus-sensitive particle: their surface c-command relations must directly correspond to their information-structural position, even if no Ā-scrambling takes place. We argue that this is because QR cannot pied-pipe focus-sensitive particles, possibly because it involves feature movement.