Central and Low Franconian dialects seem to provide counterevidence to alleged universals of unattested correlations of (a) tone and postvocalic voicing, and (b) tone and vowel height. I argue that none of these cases are real counterexamples because contrary to standard analyses in the literature Franconian dialects do not have lexical tones. I propose the contrast to be based on foot structure instead: so called accent 1 is a “true” moraic trochee, i.e. a single heavy syllable with stress on the first mora; and accent 2 is a syllabic trochee. I discuss contemporary Franconian dialects as well as the historical origin of the contrast (“accentogenesis”) and show how the apparent segment-tone interactions developed from prosodic changes that have little to do with consonant voicing and nothing with vowel height - let alone tone.