The transition and consolidation of the democratic regime in Argentina banished violence as a means of gaining access to state power. However, the frequent appearance of violent protests (“outbursts,” riots, looting or “puebladas,” among others) interrogates the persistence of violent collective actions and their relations with the dynamics of institutional policy in the current democratic framework. To what extent do these facts form part of the new repertoires of action, as several authors maintain? Are they actions that are an instrument of politics, or are they the expression of a radical opposition to the system? On the other hand, the emergence of a multiple and a fragmented form of violence go hand in hand with the emergence of illegalities of various kinds: the expansion of informal and illegal economies (the trade in drugs, weapons and people, among the main ones). The proven complicity of the state institutions in these processes also questions the relationship between politics and violence, although in a different register. Is it an institutional “flaw” or a new form of government? To what extent does such violence represent strategies of political accumulation?
In the years 1967 and 1968 the city of Detroit was the site of two waves of rebellion. The riot of 1967 was one of the largest and most costly urban rebellions in U.S. history. And in the ashes of the ‘67 insurrection a wave of strikes began shutting down the sprawling factories of the auto industry. These strikes were organized by militant Black workers who later founded the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, an organization that characterized itself as the “ideological inheritor” of the riot. This article situates the League within the global moment of 1968, discusses the relationship of work stoppages to circulation struggles, and examines how the participants’ experience in riots, both on the streets of Detroit and in the prisons around the state, informed the praxis and politics of the League.
The international feminist strikes of 2017, 2018, and 2019 challenged the categories and imaginaries relating to what it means to disobey contemporary modes of exploitation. In this text, the author debates some of Joshua Clover’s theses from Riot. Strike. Riot. in light of feminist theories of the strike. She underscores the role that the reproductive sphere plays in the feminist strike while, at the same time, analyzing that sphere as a space for the expansion of contemporary forms of finance.
In Ecuador, there were rebellions of enslaved men and women who organized to free themselves and improve their living conditions from the beginning of slavery. In the memory of past Afro-descendant workers of cane-producing haciendas in the northern Ecuadorian highlands, the Agrarian Reform of 1964 is associated with “the end of slavery” even though slavery was abolished in 1851. Until the 1960s, working conditions on the hacienda were still regarded by the population as akin to slavery. This article discusses a revolt in the 60s in the Santa Ana hacienda, now an Afro-Ecuadorian community of the same name. Here, the master’s sexual abuse led to a rebellion by a working adolescent. The rebellion led to an insurrection by the workers who, in addition to fighting for the end of the landlord system and the distribution of land, fought for the dismissal and disappearance of the master. Together, these events redefined ideas of development, of private property, and domestic labor especially by women.
This is the transcript of a conversation between Verónica Gago and Raquel Gutiérrez Aguilar. The two authors speak of the “constellation” as a methodology for approaching the process of the “feminist strike.” They discuss a kind of mourning-struggle, a feminist embodying, that by placing itself singularly in all places, becomes irreducible to attempts to limit it via localization/dispersion. The authors ask: what happens with struggles that are able to project themselves on a massive scale without losing their minoritarian vector? It is precisely here that the feminist strike emerges as a threshold, which is to say, as an instance of actuality in the direction of a new political technology of social struggle that also generates a change in the “riot” as a political concept.