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are the outcome of the interaction of demand by special-interest groups and supply from legis- lators, both of whom are rational and act in their own self-interest. As a result, government regulation may enhance the welfare of particular groups at the expense of wine consumers, and possibly reduce socioeco- nomic welfare. While the original intent of government regulation of the wine industry following the repeal of Prohibition may have been to enhance social welfare, there is little evidence that states have been pur- suing the public interest in instituting

: advertising for, 45–46; children’s publications promoting, 31, 77; as ever more realistic, 34; mass-production of, 40, 45–46, 201; parental enthusiasm for, 48, 49–50, 51; portraits of children holding, 109, 110–111, 112, 113; prohibitions and repeals of prohibitions of, 24, 31, 57, 93–94; Russo-Japanese War and, 30–31; varying degrees of inclusion of, 35 triple disaster of 2011 (3/11), 172; and disas- ter relief mission of SDF, 9–10, 167; and PR campaigns of SDF, 172–175, 189, 203–207, 210 Tsuji Naoki, 91 2-Channeru, 207–208 Uchū senkan Yamato (fi lm series), 94

examining the fi nancial history of mass incarceration. Beginning with the era of Prohibition and its repeal following the Great Depression, the book examines an era of penal parsimony and public nonpunitivism seldom covered by current mass incarcera- tion scholars. Th e repeal of Prohibition is framed here in the context of public despair of the futile expenditures in the losing federal battle against organized crime. Th is trend proceeded through the New Deal years of economic recovery, leading to small federal expenditures in crime control justifi ed by war

the term “queer” may simply refer to the strangeness of the establishment. However, the fact that Chung chose the speakeasy for a private luncheon with Gidlow suggests that she felt more comfortable developing their relationship in that space. In fact, the illegal speakeasies in North Beach and the legitimate bars that opened following the repeal of Prohibition fostered the development of San Francisco’s “queer subcultures.”33 Individuals who identified as homo- sexuals or who were interested in exploring non-normative possibilities frequented these establishments

, they amounted to only about 2 percent of Califor- nia’s wine grape acreage in 1919. (And this percentage changed very little af- ter the repeal of Prohibition. A large market for fine California wine did not exist until the 1960s.) The prejudice against Zinfandel was short-lived, as far as shipping was concerned. It didn’t take long for a sizeable number of eastern connoisseurs— though by no means a majority—to discover that Zinfandel packed a highly recognizable varietal flavor. And, unlike Carignane and Mourvèdre, it didn’t prohibition and the fresh grape deal

“wholesome, ordinary red wine when grown in the coastal valleys of Northern California.” 7 Here was the first face of Zinfandel after the repeal of Prohibition. During the next seven years Schoonmaker made several trips to California and drank lots of California wine. In San Francisco he contacted the leaders of Medical Friends of Wine and of the Wine and Food Society. Who was mak- ing really good wine in the Golden State? When he got his answers, he went out into the countryside and talked and drank. He was particularly interested in making some solid connections with the

of her husband’s income with either a bootlegger or a saloon-keeper operating legally. I am convinced that as far as the women of the country are concerned, prohibition has come to stay.”79 Willebrandt’s universal declarations for women under Prohibition, as well as her predictions, were wrong, as the Prohibition law had not “come to stay.” Women’s political organizing was as responsible for the repeal of Prohibition as it had been for its introduction. Chaired by Pauline Morton Sabine of the Morton Salt family, the Women’s Organization for Prohibition

: Agricultural Adjustment Act (price supports), 121; dam-building projects, 136; Farm Security Administration, 235n70; hop- marketing agreement (price supports), 121–122, 142, 186; migratory workers, plight of, 128, 129–131, 234– 235nn67,68,70,74,75; National Recovery Act, 128–129, 234–235n68; repeal of Prohibition, 113 New England region: commercial hop cultivation and, 17; craft beer revolution and, 174; rum production and, 17 New York State: alcohol production, generally, 17; colonial era cultivation in, 17; European trade fi rms expanding to, 84; harvest time

’re entertaining and singing and working as waitresses. We continued to go there often. They made us very very welcome. Reba Hudson Mona’s was San Francisco’s first lesbian nightclub. It opened on Union Street in 1934, just after the repeal of Prohibition, but moved in 1936 to Columbus Avenue. Originally intending it as a hangout for writers and artists, Mona Sargent and her then-husband, Jimmie Sargent, covered the floors at 140 Columbus with sawdust to give the place a bohe- mian atmosphere.1 Nightclub-style entertainment soon grew out of im- promptu performances, and Sargent

organizational structure with the cre- ation of a syndicate cartel, the Three Prosperities Company, which regulated the contraband opium enterprise in association with the Chaozhou opium merchants, military and police agencies, and city politicians. This system, as refined by Du Yuesheng, might well be described as "the Shanghai pattern." With the repeal of Prohibition in 1933 the criminal syndicates to which it had given rise did not dissolve themselves but retained their organizational coherence and redirected their energies into other activities: gambling