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R A L M E R I C , on Liberal defence policy, 71 F L O R E N C E , P . SARGANT, 1 4 7 FORSTER, W . E . , 328-329 on aims of [his] 1870 Education Act, 325 F o x , S I R L I O N E L , on prison reform, 282 F R A S E R , JAMES ( b i s h o p ) , on working-class education, 324-325 F R E U D , SIGMUND, 7 2 , 3 0 2 impact of, on medicine, 315 F R Y , S I R EDWARD, 2 6 0 F Y F E , D A V I D M A X W E L L . See under K I L - MUIR (1st V i s c o u n t ) . G A L T O N , S I R FRANCIS, 3 0 2 G E D D E S , PATRICK, 1 2 7 , 1 2 9 G E O R G E V , 7 1 - 7 2 G E O

inability of that majority to provide day schools for its children. Most observers in the nineteenth century voiced the opinion that Wales was educationally backward. This view appeared especially in the 1840s, in the wake of episodes of social turmoil—the Rebecca Riots, the Newport uprising, and the appearance of strong Chartist sentiment in Wales. While those who commented on those disturbances acknowl- edged the legitimacy of many grievances underlying them,'8 the deficien- cies of the working classes' education were also mentioned as contribut- ing conditions. In the

historical observations on English capitalism, Marx himself treated reform movements for legislation about working-class education—mainly asso- ciated with factory legislation—as manifestations of working-class agitation to relieve the exploitative conditions of factory life and to improve the workers' situation. See Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867; re- print, London: Penguin Books, 1976), pp. 613-14. 25. Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England, edited, with an introduction, by Victor Kiernan (1845; reprint, London: Pen

marked points in the making of education compulsory; and 1891, which made it free. The significance of these and other moments in family-education relationships in Britain is analyzed in chapter 8. SEPARATE BUT CONNECTED HISTORICAL DRAMAS Extracting from the analysis above, it is possible to identify at least five arenas of social change that affected the evolution of working-class education in the nineteenth century. The first is the drama of class hier- archy, class consciousness, class conflict, and the attempts to contain that conflict. While these dimensions were

Debt, foreign, 26, 105, 123 n. See also Foreign investment Democratic Front, 106-107, 109> 1 1 1 12 , 1 53 - 155 , 204 Democratic party, 95, 1 16, 1 18 , n g , 175, 178. 181 Democràtico Nacional, Partido. See PADENA DESAL, 232-233. See also Communi- tarian society Devaluation, currency, 26 n, 94, 105, 122, 154 Development Corporation, Chilean. See CORFO Durin, Julio, 109, 1 1 1 Economically active population, 14— 17, 23, 34 n, 133. See also Working class Education, 29, 86; of industrial mana- gers, 4 0 - 1 1 ; and Catholic Church, 88, 89; of

C H A P T E R 9 New Roles: Pupil-Teacher, Teacher, Inspector One feature of the institutional structures that appear in the "moderni- zation" process is their new and more specialized roles. Industry, for ex- ample, generates new managerial and supervisory roles, as well as engineering, sales, personnel, counseling, and other staff roles. Modern schooling systems are no exception. The system of British working-class education produced managers, full-time male and female schoolmasters and schoolmistresses (including mistresses of infant schools), monitors, pupil

Bibliography The research for this book included a reading of all parliamentary debates on working-class education, 1807-80; reading of the reports of parliamentary com- missions on questions relating to education and other relevant topics (trades and manufacture, children's employment, mines, etc.); and reading of minutes, reports, inspectors' reports, and the correspondence of the Committee of Coun- cil and the Department of Education, 1839—70. Coverage also included books, pamphlets, and articles written by advocates and observers in the nineteenth century, as

, June 4, 1879. 16 Roney, 273-274; 318; 332. THE SOCIALIST ACADEMY 163 attached)16 had made its appearance, it had been as a merger of the Lassallean socialists with Marxians left over from the First Inter- national. Perhaps the principal difference between these two groups lay in their attitude toward trade unionism. For the Lassalleans, unions appeared as bulwarks of the capitalist system, obstacles in the way of socialist progress. The Marxians, on the contrary, viewed unionism as a necessary stage of working class education and organization. Roney, a trade

Coun- cil committee on Basic Research in the Behavioral and Social Sciences (1981–88), which produced three major reports on the present, past, and future of the behavioral and social sciences. This involved frequent travel to Washington, D.C. These years of institution management and service to the profession were not without their gratifi cations, but as time passed I became progressively more impatient with the slowdown in my research. In particular, I was very anxious about my lack of progress on a major monograph on the history of working-class education

(institutions); slum clearance; working class education: expansion of, and increased opportunities, 146; mandatory, and encouragement of autobiographical and expressive writing, 141; mandatory, and increase of opportunities, 145; residential care worker training, 77, 83–84; of social workers/researchers, 33, 77, 169; volunteer training, 33 Education Act (1870), 80, 145 Education Act (1902), 146 egalitarianism: performance of, by residential home staff , 97–98; social researchers and diffi culty of balancing dignity with, 161; social researchers and hierarchy as