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Anaheim, serving as Exalted Cyclops from 1922 to 1925. Masked klansmen in Inglewood terrorized that com- munity's only Mexican family in April 1922 for allegedly bootlegging liquor. In a night-time raid on that family's home which involved the exchange of gunfire, a mortally wounded klansman was revealed to be the town's con- stable.24 As elsewhere in the nation, KKK activity in the Los Angeles area manifested the fears of many mainstream Protestants that local society was changing far too rapidly and threatening the stability of both their commu- nity and the nation

, Prohibition in the United States opened economic opportunity for neighboring nations and members of organized crime, who helped with distribution and sales. As was the case across the country, law enforcement in the Pacifi c Northwest was simply inadequate to monitor and enforce dry laws. Th e Prohibition Bureau had limited power of enforcement. At any given time there were never more than three thousand agents employed across the coun- try to bust bootleggers, rumrunners, and speakeasy operators. (See fi gure 11.) Furthermore, many agents and other offi cers of the

itself as a family resort and campground, catering to hunters, traveling artists, writers, botanists, and photographers. W. T. Mitchell, Idlewild’s proprietor, banked on the area’s beauty, claiming that the trip to Idlewild from Monterey was a stagecoach drive “that for beauty and varied interest cannot be excelled in this state of famous drives.”14 By the time of Prohibition, Idlewild also attracted travelers and locals alike for its ready supply of bootleg alcohol.15 As J e f f e r s’s Cou n t r y • 19 Jeff ers noted, a tiny harbor in Partington’s Cove, tucked

Chairman in “Statement of E. K. Cumming, Representing the (Ariz.) Chamber of Commerce,” 141—both in U.S. Congress, Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico. 43. U.S. Congress, Seasonal Agricultural Laborers from Mexico, 17; Dr. E. G. Peterson, “Mexican Immigration,” address to the Chamber of Commerce of USA, at the Seventh Western Divisional Meeting, Ogden, Utah, 1 October 1929, Cham- ber of Commerce folder, Inland Mexican Heritage, Redlands, 2; see also George Clements, “Why Should We Rely Upon ‘Bootleg’ Labor?” Los Angeles Times, July 18, 1926. 44. Peterson

, but one that had recently created something of a national hysteria. Taken immediately before local authorities, Allen endured fi erce ques- tioning before the arrival of special agent Charles Pray, a federal offi cer who investigated white- slave cases. Within moments, Pray recognized Allen— just a few months before in Spokane, when Pray worked there as a U.S. deputy marshal, Allen had come before him, accused of selling bootleg whis- key on an eastern Washington Indian reservation. Well acquainted with Allen, Pray of course knew his given name. When the

associated with the romantic West. Upon learning that Port- land’s Harry Allen was Nell Pickerell, for example, local papers dubbed him Spokane Nell, described his dress as that of a cowpuncher and gunfi ghter, labeled him a bad man, and claimed that he had been in and out of jails up and down the West Coast for a range of off enses wholly western in nature: horse stealing, saloon brawling, selling bootleg liquor on Indian reserva- tions, and highway robbery. One reporter asked Allen, “And you used to work on ranches and ‘bust’ broncos?” “Yes indeed,” supposedly

- tions were obtained, they were generally on lesser charges. Ibid. 29. Ibid., 61. 30. Other cases during the six months after federal legislation went into ef- fect did not involve interstate transport of victims: “The 8-year-old son of a wealthy partner in the New York Stock Exchange, a wealthy Chicago couple, and an alleged NewYork City bootlegger.” Ibid., 76. 31. For a more detailed account of this case see ibid., 79–80. 32. For five years until her death by suicide, McElroy was said to have been in despair over the prospect of never being united with her kidnapper

, 63–65; in Harlem, 265–66; migration story of, 42, 44, 45; on racism in LA, 90; white teachers and, 51 Bontemps, Maria, 42–44, 63–64, 67 Bontemps, Paul, 265; and civil rights activism, 91, 158; migrant optimism of, 67; migration story of, 42–44, 63–65 Bontemps, Ruby, 42, 64–65, 67 Booker T. Washington Building, 122, 252, 375 bootlegging, 195, 201, 204, 277 Bows, S. B., 105 boycotts. See consumer boycotts Boyle Heights, 66–67, 96 Branch, Mrs. (white NAACP activist), 209, 214 Bratton, B. B., 228–29 Brawley, B. G., 111 Breedlove, Anjetta, 123 Brick Block, 119

treatment of human sexuality collided with Will Hays’s 1934 Motion Picture Production Code. “Mae West, the box-office champ in 1933,” writes critic David Denby, “was replaced, in 1934, by Shirley Temple, and was thereafter tamed and marginalized.” 250 Arnold Rothstein, high-stakes gambler and reputed fixer of the 1919 World Series, was a fount of liquidity for the major profit centers of Jazz Age New York’s underworld: bootlegging, fencing, labor racketeering, narcotics trafficking, loan sharking. He would gladly extend credit to borrowers on the right side of the

.” Other families devised a range of strategies for paying the rent on over- priced and inadequate housing. Large numbers of newcomers took in lodg- ers, held house parties, and sold bootleg whiskey to raise money. By the mid- 1920s, the New York Age reported that the “rent party” had become “a recog- nized means of meeting the demands of extortionate landlords.”29 Th e entrepreneurial eff orts of still other, mostly middle-class African Americans both alleviated and reinforced some of the challenges confronting blacks in the racially segmented urban political economy