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organizational structure with the cre- ation of a syndicate cartel, the Three Prosperities Company, which regulated the contraband opium enterprise in association with the Chaozhou opium merchants, military and police agencies, and city politicians. This system, as refined by Du Yuesheng, might well be described as "the Shanghai pattern." With the repeal of Prohibition in 1933 the criminal syndicates to which it had given rise did not dissolve themselves but retained their organizational coherence and redirected their energies into other activities: gambling

: interstate  commerce, 164, 266, 305; copyright,  38, 59, 61, 137, 269; due process; 314;  repealofprohibition, 218 United States Copyright Office, 45, 51,  53–54, 323 United States Department of Commerce,  Bureau of Navigation, 151 United States Department of Justice, 118,  149, 159–160, 163, 204, 302, 305, 314,  316, 318–319; Bureau of Investigation  (later FBI), 115, 129, 149, 163, 203 United States Department of the Treasury:  Internal Revenue Service, 217, 219;  Prohibition Bureau, 150, 202, 204;  Secret Service, 91, 218 Society of St. Tammany. See Tammany Hall

• 177 As the movement widened, along with its rising popularity it confronted signifi cant legal and tax hurdles that craft brewers had to overcome. By 1978, there remained only eighty-nine total breweries in the United States, owned by half as many companies.15 Big beer had a fi rm grasp on the American beer industry as it continued to conglomerate and take advantage of a legally man- dated marketing and distribution system that dated to the repeal of Prohibition. Federal law determined that alcohol production and sale occur within a three-tiered system. Th is

used in the 1930s to convey elegance. Many restaurants used it, although I am sure the sales- men for the Ohio Match Company (the publisher of the matchbook) took care not to recommend this image to businesses in close proximity to one another. Because the company wanted to sell this matchbook to a vari- ety of establishments, the couple is drinking water, not wine. A wineglass would have suggested that alcohol was served, but some of the company’s customers had remained dry after the repeal of Prohibition. The 1930s match cover for Miller’s Hotel in Strauss

live music — a glimmer of hope in the unemployment morass. That same hopeful- ness, however, led to a series of events that triggered a collision between Local 6 and its counterpart, Local 648, the union that had been founded ten years earlier to serve the San Francisco Bay Area’s African American musicians. T H E BAT T L E OF T H E U N IONS Local 6 wasted little time after the repeal of Prohibition to begin enforcing wage standards in San Francisco’s nightclubs.21 Even before the national ratifica- tion process was completed on December 5, 1933, the local’s board

75 Most Americans, if they think about it all, are likely to think that wine making in this country has always been an Italian affair. That is understandable enough, for the dominant names in American wine since the repeal of Prohibition have been largely Italian: Gallo, Cella, Foppiano, Petri, Bisceglia, Martini, Mondavi — the list is long and impressive. But this large Italian presence in the foreground of things distorts our perspective: the fact is that there were few Italians to be found on the American wine- making scene until the end of the

, of the Hotel Somerville, the first hotel offering first- class accommodations for blacks in the city. The hotel went under after the stock market crash the following year and reemerged in its more influential incarnation as the Dunbar Hotel. The Central District really began to take off after the repeal of Prohibition in 1933, when beer gardens, nightclubs, and after-hours clubs could operate under condi- tions far more conducive to the music scene. The election of reform mayor Fletcher Bowron in 1938 put pressure on the city’s unrestrained nightlife and more

departure point for historical accounts of mass incarceration is the rise in crime rates and punitive advocacy during Richard Nixon’s fi rst presidential campaign. For the purposes of this book, however, it is more useful to start with the repeal of Prohibition and the Great Depression, which present important par- allels to the 2008 recession-era narrow coalitions and cost-related antipunitive campaigns I am analyzing. THE GREAT DEPRESSION AND PROHIBITION Making economic arguments for criminalization or decriminalization is not a new phenomenon, and the campaigns

the death penalty, the transi- tion to life without parole nationwide will likely be irreversible, especially if humonetarian logic leads states to repurpose death rows and restructure their array of prisons. I expect that cost-based legalization of substances in general, and marijuana in particular, will also be an irreversible trend. Here it is possible to rely on a histori- cal example. Th e repeal of Prohibition, largely possible because of arguments of enforcement costs, creation of an underground economy, and the potential of rev- enue enhancement via

with Kathleen Rooney.” Brooklyn Rail, February 5. http://brooklynrail.org/2014/02 /books/the-brutality-of-believing-mattilda-bernstein-sycamore-in-conversation -with-kathleen-rooney. Root, Grace C. 1934. Women and Repeal. New York: Harper & Brothers. Rose, Kenneth D. 1997. American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition. New York: New York University Press. Ruiz, Jason. 2008. “The Violence of Assimilation: An Interview with Mattilda aka Matt Bernstein Sycamore.” Radical History Review 100: 236–47. Ryan, Caitlin, and Judith Bradford. 1999. “Conducting the National