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article mentioned that nearly half a billion dollars of taxes would be collected within a year from the beer industry, and it estimated that, in New York state alone, the Cullen-Harrison Act opened the door for forty thousand jobs, including “19,000 directly in the breweries, 221,000 in cooperage, lithogra- phy, bottle making, [and] lumbering.”6 Th ese numbers did not even refl ect the immediate growth of the hotel and restaurants industries. It made sense, then, that as the year progressed, Roosevelt promoted broader repeal of Prohibition, citing economic

134 the willamette valley hop industry faced its greatest crisis in the mid–twentieth century. Aft er an extended period of success for hop growers that included global praise and one of the state’s most vibrant folk occasions, downy mildew threatened to take it all away. While growers increased acreage upon the repeal of Prohibition, the quality of the crops slowly began to deteriorate along with reduced yields. Adding further uncer- tainty were the various marketing agreements that limited farmers’ abilities to expand production or enter into the business

Pacifi c Northwest to attend meetings with the hop growers and brewers who were intently interested in the developments in Corvallis. Additionally, the two off ered radio programs, published scientifi c papers, and contributed popular articles to the Pacifi c Hop Grower, all of which kept hundreds of regional farmers and brewing-industry professionals in the loop and abreast of the hop research agenda at the experiment station.13 Because the hop-breeding program emerged around the same time as the repeal of Prohibition and the revival of American brewing, the

repeal of Prohibition and the development of new methods of policing shut down gay and lesbian public entertainments, in San Francisco repeal seemed to stimulate the development of queer and gender-transgressive entertainments.34 In post-Prohibition Califor- nia, the state’s liquor control administration was placed within the state’s tax board (the State Board of Equalization), so there was less em- phasis, at the state level, on vice control than on the financial manage- ment of liquor production and distribution. This, combined with San Francisco’s traditionally

’d send back to the store for more and call out to the crowd, “Stand by, everybody. More ice cream on its way.”1 By 1929, business could hardly have been better. Then the De- pression hit. The Depression of the 1930s and the repeal of Prohibition in 1933 were devastating for the ice cream business. Opinions vary as to which was more to blame, but the combination hit the business hard. As one industry mag- azine put it, “The dime that went for soda now frequently goes for beer.”2 Ice cream had been one of the nation’s fastest- growing industries. In 1929, Americans

/ Record Giants Blink for local theaters. Finally, the work just dried up. As soon as talkies began to take hold, the Hollywood studios started to hire their own orchestras. My dad heard about opportunities in the studio orchestras out there, so he packed up our family and moved us to Los Angeles.”34 The trend toward recorded music only accelerated with the repeal of Prohibition in 1933. As the number of bars proliferated, so did the number of jukeboxes installed. The modern commercial coin-operated machines had fi rst emerged in 1927 after electronic microphones

socioeco- nomic welfare. Wine Distribution and Government Regulation | 137 The public-interest theory may provide a reasonable explanation of why state regulations were originally instituted. After the repeal of Prohibition, each state was given the authority to decide how alcoholic beverages would be distributed and sold within its borders. While the public was in favor of ending Prohibition, there was broad support for regulating the consumption of alcoholic beverages because of concerns about excessive drinking. One can also argue that the public interest was

the Cucamonga area of San Bernardino County became a very important viticultural area, with about 15,000 acres of wine grapes planted before World War I. About one-third of those were Zinfandel, whose grapes were used to produce table wine and sweet wine. Winegrowing also developed next door, in the Mira Loma area of Riverside County, with about 200 acres of Zinfandel. During Prohibition this region was involved in the “fresh grape deal,” and Zin- fandel acreage grew to about 7,000. After the repeal of Prohibition, Zinfandel acre- age held steady until 1962, at

lucky too: the time was right. Mondavi had launched his new winery on a rising tide. The sales of Cali- fornia wine had been slowly growing since the industry went back into oper- ation at the beginning of 1934, following the repeal of Prohibition. But that growth had been irregular as the trade passed through the depression years, through the disruptions of the war, and into the difficult postwar years. There was much that needed to be changed. The market was dominated by sweet, fortified wines, mostly made from indifferent varieties of grape. The quality of

127 Retrospect If, at the end of his long life, Ernest Gallo (1909 – 2007) troubled to look back over his career, what he saw was the whole extent of American wine history since its rebirth after the repeal of Prohibition at the end of 1933, the year that he went to work as a winemaker. He could take great satisfac- tion from the view, for what it showed was that, of all the many wine-mak- ing enterprises that had appeared in that dawn, his alone had survived and prospered: Roma, Petri, Italian Swiss Colony, Fruit Industries, Inglenook, Beaulieu, Larkmead