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Century Magazine. He found that while western “wets,” those who favored repeal of Prohibition, appeared to have great infl uence, the dry forces could count on getting more people to vote to keep Prohibition going. His descriptions here, especially those of the Pacifi c coast and Montana, hint at the complexity of the issue. What western groups would you expect to be vociferous wets? Which would you expect to be dry? Why do you think the wets were unable to muster strength at the ballot box, despite their outspokenness? How does Milton’s account of Prohibition

Cubans or other Latin Americans in the absence of suitable and will- ing local whites” (Craton and Saunders 1998, 245). I will return to explore these issues and trends in much greater detail in chapter 3. Th e bust following the repeal of Prohibition was sustained and intense, a severe economic depression (matched worldwide, in this case) lasting from 1933 until the beginning of World War II, aft er which tourism fi nally came to occupy the central place in the Bahamian economy toward which it had been moving since the late nineteenth century. Th e years between

winemaking, after the Repeal of Prohibition, was “repression of fault technology,” including heavy doses of sulfur and cool-temperature fermentations, and that “cabernet was a variety that could get through [such treatments] while pinot could not.” In a  interview with Wines & Vines, Mondavi said, “For us, pinot noir is the grape that began to help us make a change to a more natural way of looking at wine, and a greater understanding of terroir.” In its early years, Mondavi’s pinot program was based on fruit from the Stags Leap district; the orientation

marijuana de- bate concerns the public’s right to weigh in on the social status of a con- troversial drug. The repeal of Prohibition in 1933 is, of course, the great precedent in this regard. Propositions 215 and 200 represented more re- fined judgments, in that they aimed at serving a medically needy minor- ity rather than a pleasure-seeking majority that wanted to regain access to a recreational drug. Yet here, too, federal officials looked on with some fear and trembling as the public delivered its unwelcome verdict in the form of referenda that had originated outside

minor offender compared to some of Oakland’s other Orthodox “wine rabbis,” who, unlike Paper, sold mostly to non- Jews.* One rabbi, who made deliveries from a horse- drawn “laundry wagon,” included among his c o s m o p o l i t a n s224 * In Oakland, as in other cities, “Orthodox bootlegging” was considered scandalous by Reform leaders. Temple Sinai’s Rabbi Rudolph Coffee used grape juice rather than wine to avoid even the suggestion of impropriety. customers a few influential Irish politicians,123 which kept the police far from his door. The repeal of Prohibition

America was the bad taste left after the repeal of Prohibition. When Repeal arrived in 1933, vineyard quality had been terribly degraded because of home winemakers’ preference for hardy, abundant grapes over good wine grapes. Thus the 1930s saw tremendous surpluses: quality was dismal, and the economy was strug- gling. In 1934, producers formed the Wine Institute to carry out market- ing and consumer education, but with little immediate success: by 1938, the glut was so severe that a federal prorate order was issued, requiring producers to divert almost half of their

“Tokay” no one can now say: neither the grape from which Tokay is made nor any wine resembling Tokay is known in California. The name was much used after the repeal of Prohibition for a sweet fortified wine, but is not now, though it is still legally allowed as a generic name. 48. Peninou and Unzelman, California Wine Association, p. 147. 49. A sherry house is a building whose interior may be heated to a high tempera- ture in order to “bake” the fortified wine that is to be called sherry. This method is borrowed from Madeira rather than from the Sherry region of

. Rose, Kenneth. American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition. New York: New York University Press, 1996. Rossi, Edmund A. “The Coming Expansion of the Table Wine Market.” Wines and Vines 25 (December 1944): 29, 47. ———. “Licenses That Burden the Wine Trade.” California Journal of Development 24 (December 1934): 11, 38–39. Rossi, Robert D. “Post-Repeal Wine Consumption.” Wines and Vines 16 (January 1935): 3–4. Rossi, Robert, Jr. “United Vintners Expands Its Madera Premises.” Wines and Vines 43 (September 1962): 25, 27. Roueché, Berton. “Breathing through the Wood.” New

consumption in France is astonishing because it ran directly counter to so many trends in the interwar period. As President Franklin Roosevelt was warning about a return to the bad old days after the repeal of Prohibition, the French government was urging its citizen to drink, drink, and drink more wine. Yet for all the effort and cost, the campaign foundered on the economic realities of the Depression, which depressed consumers’ real income. During the 1920s, adult per capita wine consumption averaged 117 liters (30.9 gallons) a year in France; in the 1930s

Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution was Chapter 9 | Alcohol Abuse 257 repealed. Once again, the legal spigots for alcohol were open in the United States. The Medicalization of Problem Drinking While the Prohibition temperance movement drew support from Rush’s con- cern with the eff ects of heavy drinking on society, it paid little attention to his description of alcoholism as a disease. In the decades following the repeal of Prohibition, however, the disease model of alcoholism grew to dominate Amer- ican discourse about problem drinking. One of the pivotal