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peal of white wines, which now were fresh, aromatic, and fruity rather than flat and ox- idized. Better practices at every stage of winemaking—picking, crushing, fermenting, pressing, filtering, and all the other basic processes—were now widespread.17 Leon Adams thought that this production of “reliably palatable” wines made possible by technological control was the main reason for the new popularity of wine in America.18 Then there was the cumulative effect of the advertising of the previous twenty years and more, along with the slowly widening influence of public

History of Wine in America: From the Beginnings to Prohibition 13 (California 1989). 4. Id. at 34-38. 5. "Instructions to Governor Watt," July 24,1621, in John D. Gushing, ed., Colony Laws of Virginia, 1619—1660 115 (Michael Glazier 1978). 6. VA General Ass., March 5,1623, Sec. 18, in Gushing at 126. 7. Wayne Curtis, And a Bottle of Rum: A History of the New World in Ten Cocktails 69—70 (Crown 2006). 8. In 1629, the ship Arabella, which transported Governor Winthrop to Mas- sachusetts Bay, also brought along "42 tuns of beer, 14 tuns of water, I hogshead of vinegar, 2

) plantations followed Haraszthy’s eff orts, spurred in part by the outbreak of oidium or powdery mildew abroad, a vine disease that affl icted many of the wine regions of Europe in the mid-1850s. That setback had American vine growers seeking to fi ll the void: “Bacchus would be compelled to emigrate,” writes Tho- mas Pinney in A History of Wine in America, “and would become an American citizen with all those Frenchmen and Germans that preceded him. After 1855, under the rallying cry of ‘California, the vineyard of the world,’ plantings increased by leaps and bounds.”8

in America from the Beginnings to Pro- hibition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 13. Pinney notes that the French hold their wine production as an advantage over the En- glish even in the form of chants and taunts such as this one: Bon Français, quand je bois mon verre Plein de ce vin couleur de feu Je songe, en remerciant Dieu Qu’ils n’en ont pas en Angleterre. Clearly such an advantage would have been erased with successful English production in the colonies. 51. Ibid., 13. 52. Ibid., 17. 53. James E. Wilson, Terroir: The Role of Geology, Climate

. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Piernavieja, Herminie. 2005. “Le Jacquez, un cépage charge d’histoire: son ad- aptation au terroir cévenol and les enjeux de son maintien.” Ph.D. diss., Université du Vin, Suze- la- Rousse, Université de Provence, Aix- Marseille 1, Université de Franche- Comté, Besançon. Pinch, Trevor. 1986. Confronting Nature: The Sociology of Solar Neutrino De- tection. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company. Pinney, Thomas. 1989. A History of Wine in America: From the Beginnings to Prohibition. Berkeley: University of California Press

, Frederick, 146 Hess Collection, 213, 235 Hewitt, William, 155 Higgins, Mike, 203 Hilgard, Eugene, 41–42, 110, 273n12; on Carignane, 24, 46; on Grenache, 44; on Marsanne and Roussanne, 46–47; on Mourvèdre (Mataro), 22, 45; on Syrah, 42–43 Hin, W. M., 75 A History of Wine in America (Pinney), 39, 62 Hock, Stan, 10–11, 107 Hoenisch, Dick, 172–73 Hollister, 171 Holmes, Jim, 187, 194 home winemaking: American Rhône producers as home winemakers, 118–19, 124, 145, 187; Associated Vintners’ wines, 181, 283n8; Prohibition and, 54, 62–63 Horse Heaven Hills, 179, 194 Horton

; later he became governor of Puerto Rico. He ended his days as a fellow of the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions in Santa Barbara, where, one hopes, he was pleased to see the many new small wineries developing in California’s Central Coast region. 2. See, for example, the discussions of Dufour in Indiana, of the French in Alabama, of the work of the U.S. Patent O‹ce, and other instances of federal support for wine- growing in Thomas Pinney, A History of Wine in America: From the Beginnings to Pro- hibition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989

-related state- ments, 168-72, 253nio8, 254nnuo,n6; wine tonics, 71, 168 health hazards: fetal alcohol syndrome, 161; health claims and, 172; sulfites, 162. See also public health debates health warnings, on labels, 138, 161—63, 167, 169, 24gn64, 252—53nioo Healy v. The Beer Institute, 256—^11146 heart disease, 169, 170 Heights (TX), 100 Henderson, Yandell, 91-92, 95, 97 high license laws, 29, 39, 204—5ni36, 2050144 A History of Wine in America (Pinney), 19203 Hobson, Richard, 51 Hock, 143 home cellar exception, Volstead Act, 50, 71-72, 22onii4 home manufacture, 55, 59

exhibit pleasing orga- noleptic characteristics, subtle, nuanced, and varying according to the terroir they are grown in. The study of a terroir requires analysis and knowledge of both climate and soil. FROM THOMAS PINNEY, A HISTORY OF WINE IN AMERICA: FROM THE BEGINNINGS TO PROHIBITION (VOLUME I, APPENDIX 2, 1989) THE LANGUAGE OF WINE IN ENGLISH One cannot talk or write long about wine in English without discovering that the language is weak in words for the activities of vine growing and winemaking. The solution is either to Frenchify one’s 46 ■ C H A P T E R

; its defects are low sugar, low acid, and a powerful musky aroma. Southerners are loyal to rotundifolia; they usually call it Scuppernong, after only one of its many varieties. That others may be persuaded to like it is illustrated by the suc- cess of Paul Garrett’s Virginia Dare wine: before Prohibition, this wine—which began as a pure Scuppernong product—was said to be the most popular wine in America. But its popularity meant that it had to be progressively diluted, for there was not enough Scup- pernong to meet the demand. When the brand was revived after