kill chain. The inner workings of this
relationship are made apparent when read in conjunction with contem-
porary discourses of postmediality. Articulating three primary narra-
tives (technical, aesthetic and political), this discourse argues that: as
the digitalworld has eroded medium specificity, it has created a univer-
sal medium through which all media flow as nondifferentiated artifacts
(Weibel); contemporary intermediality is a symptom of a larger break
with modernism’s “aesthetic purity,” which insisted upon an adherence
to the essential properties of
in a DigitalWorld. New York: Routledge, 2012.
Earl, Jennifer, and Katrina Kimport. Digitally Enabled Social Change: Activism in
the Internet Age. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011.
Earley, Pete. Comrade J: The Untold Secrets of Russia’s Master Spy in America after
the End of the Cold War. London: Penguin Books, 2007.
Eisenstein, Elizabeth L. The Printing Press as an Agent of Change. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1980.
Elliott, Robert N. “The Nat Turner Insurrection as Reported in the North
Carolina Press.” North Carolina Historical Review 38, no. 1
(Non)knowledge: Security, Law, and Surveil-
lance in a DigitalWorld. International Political Sociology 11(4): 327–42.
Archer, John, and Jo Jones. 2003. Headlines from History: Violence in the
Press, 1850–1914. Pp. 17–31 in The Meanings of Violence, edited by Elizabeth
A. Stanko. New York: Routledge.
Arendt, Hannah. 1963. Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of
Evil. New York: Viking Press.
Arrigo, Bruce, and Christopher Williams. 2003. Victim Vices, Victim Voices,
and Impact Statements: On the Place of Emotion and the Role of Restorative
assess other factors below), but
they do nevertheless constitute one significant aspect of the problem.
Jillian York, an active defender of freedom of electronic expres-
sion, provides a very good summary of the situation in a blog posted in
September 2010. It echoes Ben Gharbia’s:
Actors and Parameters of the Revolution | 135
Digital activism has been construed as its own movement, a new [way] of
organizing unique to the 21st century digitalworld. In fact, digital tools
are complementary to “traditional” activism, for a number of reasons: They
York: Random House, 2001); Alan M. Dershowitz, Supreme
Injustice: How the High Court Hijacked Election 2000 (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2001); Ron Suskind, The One Percent Doctrine: Deep Inside America’s Pursuit
of Its Enemies since 9/11 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006); Ron Suskind, The
Price of Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House, and the Education of Paul O’Neill
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004).
4. For a brief description of the costly dynamic tension between anarchy
and oligarchy in the digitalworld, see Siva Vaidhyanathan, The Anarchist in
, Francisco Lopez de, on Montezuma,
González Iñárritu, Alejandro, globalist film
governance: in digitalworld, 289–291;
distributed, 24; European Union as new
model, 159, 168, 218; global, 226, 236,
249–253, 387; institutions of global, 392,
395; monetary, 286–88; systems in cities
of Middle Ages, 212
government policy: central vs. local, 130–31;
Internet initiatives, 269, 370, 371; national
and international measures for supporting
women, 311–13; on trade unions, 375–76
Grameen Bank, 312
Gramsci, Antonio/neo-Gramsicans, 224–26
Great Pacific Garbage
—but they’re certainly not necessary.” The add-on
and helper volumes appeared steadily through 2003, and the series wound
up in July 2004.
Decipher’s TCG was far more lucrative than the RPG books, and there
are apparently plans to issue new packs of cards until at least the middle of
2007. At the end of January 2004, the firm moved into the digitalworld by
oªering the option of an online trading-card game. The Internet would seem
less suited to RPGs, but in October and November 2005, Decipher began
selling expanded versions of two of its out-of-print add-on volumes, Isen
game whenever they feel like leaving
the war. This mobility, and the power of this mobility to enter and exit the
hyper-favela at will, is also refl ected in tourists’ desire to play at, but ulti-
mately leave behind, the “war-torn” favela they visit (see chapter 4).
Favela-based war play is not limited to the digitalworld. I purchased a
Lego miniature on eBay, where it was advertised as a “favela drug traf-
fi cker” (guns sold separately). With a bandanna partially covering his face,
the fi gure does not possess features that specifi cally identify him as
position. Indeed, describing the “monster power” of
“rootless white males,” Steve Bannon intuited that a digitalworld of “intense
young men” who “disappeared for days and even weeks into alternative reali-
ties” could be transformed for his political purposes.11 In this case, rather
than interventionist instincts directed at Russians, Bannon nurtured pro-
gun, antigay, white nationalist alliances with Russians who were all too
236 • C h a p t e r T e n
happy to cooperate as they built dialogues with the NRA and the National
Organization for Marriage, whose