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in the first place to the efforts of John Adlum (1759 – 1836), who, after some military service (he was always known as Major Adlum), made a career as a surveyor and land speculator in the expansive days of the frontier after the Revolution. Adlum always had his eye on the possibilities of wine making in America — as a surveyor he had known at first hand the abundant wild grapes growing in all the woods and fields of eastern America — and after his retirement he had planted grapes and made wine, first at Havre de Grace, at the top of Chesapeake Bay, and

Sbarboro concerns not these things but a work of philanthropic intention that turned into a highly successful investment. Sbarboro, early in 1881, happened to read one of the reports of the new Board of State Viticultural Commissioners, which gave so bright a picture of the prospects of grape growing that, he said, “I began giving the subject considerable thought.” It was true that California grape growing was prosperous at that time. The continued devastations of the phyl- loxera pest in European vineyards, particularly those of France, naturally suggested to

Chapter VIII Prosperity, Depression, and Recovery, 1868-1878 THE PROSPERITY THAT FOLLOWED the introduction of foreign varieties and the beneficial legislation of the state and national governments led to an era of unprecedented expansion. In 1870 the fu-ture of the California wine industry seemed as- sured. Grape culture employed more labor than any other branch of farming. 1 T h e state encouraged grape growing be- cause it attracted "honest, industrious, and moral immigra- tion"; the press advocated more wine farms because grapes and grape products

market."4 Another reason for poor wine quality lay in the choice of grape vari- eties. The Eighteenth Amendment and its enforcing legislation, the Vol- stead Act, had a curious, and certainly unintended, effect on the grape- growing and winemaking industry in California. Because the Volstead Act allowed the home production of "nonintoxicating cider and fruit juices," an unanticipated but extremely strong demand for grapes suit- able for shipping to urban ethnic communities or to boodeggers fol- lowed the enforcement of Prohibition. Grape growers who had assumed

given time; most of these wines are not sold under its store brand name, 365.19 What is the economic incentive for a retailer to sell private-label wine? Today, retailers can source wine of acceptable quality at rela- tively low cost from grape-growing regions around the globe. During the overproduction phase of the U.S. wine-grape cycle, when grapes and bulk wine are plentiful, the wine for private-label products can be obtained in the United States, and when the cycle enters the underpro- duction phase and supplies tighten, it can be imported from other

The California Wine Industry, 1830-1895 made Portugal a virtual colony of Britain. If the present tariff pact was enacted, California would become economi- cally subservient to France.15 The reduction of the rates on brandy from S3 to $2 and on table wines from 40 to 20 cents would not only destroy California viniculture but would seriously dislocate the whole economy of the state. By 1879 grape growing and wine making were no small part of the state's economy. On June 13, 1879, Chotteau presented his case before a special session of the San Francisco

other regions it may be served only on special occasions. Students of wines and wine lore, by hobby and avocation, abound. Those who make a profession of wine production and sale cannot escape the historical background of their product. Neither can the ro- manticist, connoisseur, and historian really know wine without a knowledge of the grape-growing and wine-making practices which result in the myriad kinds of wine. Social ills are also associated with alcoholic beverages, and their understanding and control require study of the nature and effects of such

in Wine

the property, which was then an 88-acre pig and dairy farm, in 1986. The first five acres of vines were planted in 1988, and the first fruit, harvested two years later, was sold to Ken Wright (see the Ken Wright Cellars profile) and Dick Ponzi (see Ponzi Vineyards). Etzel, who was then working for Ponzi as a cellar rat, was impressed with the Ponzi wine made from Beaux Frères’ fruit. At the same time Parker, according to Etzel, grew “tired of dumping money” into the unprofitable grape- growing venture. The brothers-in-law sold a one-third share in the property to

Vineyards). Etzel, who was then working for Ponzi as a cellar rat, was impressed with the Ponzi wine made from Beaux Frères’ fruit. At the same time Parker, according to Etzel, grew “tired of dumping money” into the unprofitable grape- growing venture. The brothers-in-law sold a one-third share in the property to Roy, whose investment was su‹cient to transform the farm’s pig barn into a winery and to launch the Beaux Frères brand. Three barrels of Beaux Frères pinot noir were made in 1991; 1992 was the first serious commercial release. As a matter of policy, Parker does

gave its name to the vineyard. In 1993, realizing that plain grape growing was not financially viable, he converted the barn into a low-tech winery (carefully retaining its farm barn ambience, however, down to bales of hay used for seating) and engaged Steve Doerner of Cristom Vineyards to custom-crush the first vintage of Brick House pinot. Gradually Tunnell himself learned to make the wines, absorbing insights informally from Doerner and other neighbors, including Beaux Frères’ Michael Etzel, Cameron’s John Paul, John Thomas, and Mark Vlossak. Vineyard consultant