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: Basic Books, 2001); and Susan Strasser, Charles McGovern, and Matthias Judt, eds., Getting and Spending: European and American Consumer Societies in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 8. Th omas Pinney, A History of Wine in America: From Prohibition to the Present (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 224–52; James T. Lapsley, Bottled Poetry: Napa Winemaking fr om Prohibition to the Modern Era (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 181–209. For the general expansion of viticulture and winemaking across the

the moment, in the present chapter I have a different agenda. Here I will labor to persuade every reader of the debt of honor we owe to wine- making’s ill-advised, unhinged losers. Much of the charm in a career making wine in America is the imper- ative for pioneering. This is in contrast to European oenologues, who enter an industry hidebound in tradition, with winemaking procedures, styles, and markets thoroughly entrenched for centuries. Their science, though certainly scholarly, possesses a self-congratulatory tone, as if to answer the question, “How can

” for a mere $500. Armed with a commission from the governor of Califor- nia and its legislature, Haraszthy toured Europe’s wine regions, including “Dijon, Gevrey, Chambertin, and Clos Vougeot,” returning in 1862 with cuttings from some unknown number of “varieties.” In A History of Wine in America, Thomas Pinney observes that Haraszthy first claimed to have imported 1,400 varieties, then reduced his claim to 300, and finally published a catalog oªering 492 varieties for sale— including pinot noir. But Haraszthy’s venture was surrounded by a jumble of confu- sion

. The best-known American winemaker was probably Paul Garrett, who had a genius for promotion and who had, before Prohibition, made his Virginia Dare the most popu- lar wine in America—or so Garrett himself claimed. His headquarters were now in New York, for he still had winemaking properties in the East, where he lived in baronial splen- dor in a house on Bluff Point, commanding a prospect of the vineyards of Lake Keuka in the Finger Lakes region of New York. He remained, however, a part of the Fruit Indus- tries cooperative that he had organized earlier and so was

. Despite what seems to be the free-and-easy tradition of labeling wine in America, nei- ther the trade nor the regulatory authorities were ever indifferent to the question, though there was more legislation than enforcement. California, for example, passed the Pure Wine Law in 1887, providing for the use of a stamp or label to certify that the wine had met the o‹cial standards. The law was violently opposed, and soon after its passage its key provision, the requirement for a stamp of purity, was overturned on appeal: a few wineries continued to use the stamp, but they

stabilization fund were lifted. In short, confidence had returned, at least until the next vintage season came around. As it happened, 1951 began the cycle anew: a big harvest and a big inventory led to a new slide in prices. One need not follow these ups and downs in detail, but it should simply be noted here that the outlook in 1950—some five years after the end of the war, when the future of wine in America had been declared to be unboundedly splendid—seemed in truth quite P O S T W A R D I S A P P O I N T M E N T S • 159 discouraging. It looked, indeed, uncomfortably

exploded onto the scene by virtue of its clever packaging and astutely made wines, which seduced sweeter- toothed American consumers with a dollop of residual sugar from a postfermentation addition of grape juice concentrate, the level of which changes with vintage but is usually around 8 grams per litre (g/L). Yellowtail quickly leapfrogged other established Australian brands such as Lindemans and Rosemount, which had been expe- riencing success in the United States, and is now the best- selling Australian wine in America. One of the few people willing to speak to

- ows, has been making wines in America since the early 1990s. Her first years in Wash- ington state were spent at Covey Run, Hogue, and Gordon Brothers. At Gordon Brothers she became enamored of the concept of making wines that straddled the border between American and French styles, sturdy wines with a lot of character. “Washington sunshine,” she explains, “is a lot more consistent than in France. We like the French wines because they are elegant and balanced and meant to age. So we’re try- ing to create an elegant wine that showcases the American fruit but is

scape- goats for the colonies’ failure. In France, the colonists’ failure to make wine in America is often ascribed to a lack of tradition. Although it is true that the English lacked experience in viticulture, biology and entomology were proba- bly more to blame. The imported grapes succumbed to local pests, and the abundant local grapes made undrinkable wine. Vitis vinifera has been the vine for European wine grapes since before Roman times. This plant provided the leaves that Dionysus twined in his hair and the seeds that have been found in Egyptian tombs. The thin

from Bordeaux to Berlin than from Napa to New Jersey. Consumers, too, have to negotiate local and state laws that can ban the sale of alcohol outright or restrict sale not only by the age of the purchaser but also by time, day of the week, and location. Although some of these barriers are being pruned like a vine after har- vest—or, in some cases, uprooted altogether—their roots are deep, and change has been only recent. CHAPTER 4 Baptists and Bootleggers The Strange Bedfellows of American Wine 67 PROHIBITION’S VICIOUS HANGOVER Part of the resistance to wine in