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General Index 305 Achelous, river, 225–26 Actium, battle of, 6, 75, 204, 241 Addison, Joseph, 150, 267n56 Aelian, 232 Aetna, 229–30, 251 agrarianism, 4–5, 13–14, 90, 222, 258n10 agrarian literary tradition, 4, 12–14, 156 agronomical writers: part of agrarian literary tradition, 12; social status, 27; attitudes toward manual labor, 27; read by Vergil, 35, 263n48; use of antiquarian argument, 90; as cultivated gentlemen, 129; on grafting, 146; infl uenced by Vergil, 218–24 Alexandrianism, 10, 12 Alfi us, moneylender, 218 Ambivius, M., writer on winemaking

, in return for which the god gave him the vine and the secret of winemaking. He shared his wine with his neigh- bors, who murdered him, believing that he had given them poison. Dionysus then set him among the stars as Bootes, the Ploughman, to drive the Seven Plowing Oxen. 32. Eurytion was a Centaur who tried to rape Hippodamia at her marriage to Pirithous and thus provoked the legendary battle of the Lapiths and the Centaurs that Ovid describes in the Meta- morphoses, book XII. 33. Ulysses got the Cyclops Polyphemus drunk so that he could blind him and then escape

the day off (9–16); the setting is near Formiae, with the rural shrine of the goddess Marica forming part of the landscape (6–8). Like the other addressees just mentioned, Lamia is praised for his devotion to rustic otium, rather than his contributions to or involvement with the Roman state. Of all the poems in which Horace praises a life of rustication and, implicitly, quietism, perhaps the best known is Odes 1.4, addressed to L. Sestius Quirinalis. Sestius was from Cosa, where his family owned a winemaking and exporting business that left its mark all over

to puff it- self up in adolescence” fromDe or. 88. Brut. 288 (quasi de musto ac lacu fervidam orationem fugiendam) lies behindQuintilian’s language (as doesDe or. 3.103, which provided the com- bination of austere and decocted in another image drawn from winemaking). In the Brutus Cicero had been talking of avoiding unfermented speech, an image that Quintilian transfers to the person of the young speaker and the need for his slow maturation. 50. Quintilian prefers joy and ingenium to iudicium in this age; e.g., 2.4.14: Aliter autem alia aetas emendanda est, et

us once again to understand this language. Given the limitations of ancient technology, bad wine was an almost inevitable by-product of the process of winemaking: “The wine was not protected adequately in store against the summer heat, and inefficient sealing of the jars permitted oxidation, turning the wine into ‘sour wine’ (oxos), or bacte- rial infection, which made it ‘malodorous’ (ozarios).”122 Fermenting or aging wine had therefore to be regularly inspected to make sure that it was not “turning.”123 At the third-century estate of Appianus, in the Fayum

stories of ancestral polytheistic practice, and over time civic rites reflected changes in the polis itself. While rooted in the ancient rhythms of viticulture and winemaking, the autumn Oschophoria and the Anthesteria in the spring also served the needs of residents in the urban center of Athens. Like all Dionysian celebrations, these two civic festivals allowed worshippers to break free from some of the normal social barriers that kept citizens and residents highly stratified and segregated within the polis: on these days women, slaves, and children could join with