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Californians Coloring outside Ethnic Lines, 1925-1955

accommodation than those envisioned by Lijphart for South Africa's first universal suffrage election—the results were a defeat for accommodation. In the first place, a new Protestant party sprung up to oppose power sharing; it and other Protestant parties that were op- posed to an interethnic coalition together secured 35 percent of the vote, compared to 27 percent for the Protestant party committed to power sharing.29 When the power-sharing cabinet was inaugurated, even the Protestant party committed to power sharing, fearful of erosion of its support, rejected the

; National Party, 10; origins of, 10, 24, 47; and poli- tics, 2, 79, 81, 243; population, 48; and racism, 126. See also Afrikaans language; Boers; Whites Alliance Party (Northern Ireland), 171, 181 Almond, Gabriel A., 237 Alternative voting (AV), 166, 184, 1 8 8 - 89, 193-95, 2 0 1 - 2 , 269; and ac- commodation, 189, 201 -2 ; com- pared to plurality system, 269; as majority system, 166; as preferential system, 166, 184, 188, 190; and presidential systems, 206; in Sri Lanka, 192-93 , 206, 211; and vote pooling, 191. See also Accommoda- tion, interethnic

WAR and The Mixtures to demonstrate the complexity of interracial politics and memory in the midst of changing racial and spa- tial identifi cations. I show how some of the most signifi cant articulations emerged from interethnic coalitions, which held city offi cials and the fed- eral government accountable for the rights of poor people and workers. Chapter 4 examines Chicano, Latino, and Black punk music, argu- ing that the emergence of a multifaceted resistance in the 1980s is akin to what Louis Althusser (in another context) has called “teeth gritting

after 9/11: From Invisible Citizens to Visible Subjects. Syracuse: Syra- cuse University Press. Jones, Richard. 2000. “Egyptian Copts in Detroit: Ethnic Community and Long Distance Nationalism.” In Arab Detroit: From Margins to Mainstream, edited by Nabeel Abraham and Andrew Shryock, 219–41. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. Jones-Correa, Michael. 2001. “Structural Shifts and Institutional Capacity: Possibilities for Ethnic Cooperation and Conflict in Urban Settings.” In Gov- erning American Cities: Interethnic Coalitions, Competition and Conflict, edited by

some procedures are more likely to produce these provi- sions. Previously, I called attention to a contrast between Malaysia and Sri Lanka that illustrates the first of these statements very well. I said that the Malaysians had acted early on their ethnic problems, whereas the Sri Lankans had acted late. What the Malaysians did and the Sri Lan- kans did not do are every bit as important. Here I have in mind, not the Malaysian constitutional bargain, which later largely unraveled (for reasons to which I have already adverted), but the interethnic coalition that

, and children whose lives are currently and callously being parlayed for profi ts by deceitful growers and opposition unions, our complete and open solidarity and sup- port with your efforts to secure the basic human rights for the farmworkers of this country.71 Evidence of sustained interethnic coalitions extends beyond inter- nationalist organizations. Paul Schrade, an organic chemistry major at Yale University, dropped out and moved to LA with his brother in 1947 after a dispute over money with his family. He found a job at National American Aviation, where

of at least three binding elements: identity politics, which produces intraethnic and pan-ethnic/religious coalitions; particular situations or needs, which produce interethnic coalitions, as well as localized ties with professional groups and institutions; and aims of social justice and civil rights, which produce “rainbow coalitions.” Coalitions are even more fluid than “ethnic boundaries.” Therefore, there is much overlap among these categories and coalitions. Coalitions Based on Identity Politics The number of umbrella organizations among Middle Easterners has