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Californians Coloring outside Ethnic Lines, 1925-1955

Britain: and economic advan- tages of empire, 101–2, 178–80, 182, 193–94; national conception of, 171, 179, 188–89, 300n113; and Ottoman Empire, 191; social policy in, 188, 202; as traditionalist modernizer, 128. See also British Empire Greece, 159–61, 193, 197 Grégoire, Abbé, 21 Grossberg, Lawrence, 65 Guadeloupe, 170 Guèye, Abbas, 207, 211, 212, 222 Guèye, Lamine, 207, 215 Guha, Ranajit, 50, 286n95 Guinea, 206, 217, 226, 228–29 Gujarat, 109 Habermas, Jürgen, 62, 128–29 Habsburg Empire. See Austro- Hungarian Empire Haile Selassie, 132 Haitian Revolution, 4, 16, 28, 52

the Enlightenment, had to be circumscribed in their influences and effects if a truly "national" conception of the state was to be formulated. (This conception had to be based, of course, upon a firm understanding of empirical historical reality.) The two ideas were: (1) the idea of the "Universal" man, the corollary of this idea being the appreciation and demand for a universal and supernational order, and (2) the idea of the importance of the individual and his right to create and to develop himself according to the dictates of his reason. Meinecke claimed

“empathetic memory,” an attempt to connect with the rural Colombians whom the letrados had encountered throughout the early 1960s.21 Th e term followed a tradition of references to “generation,” but blended these together to forge an undiff erentiated, national conception of experience. During the demo- cratic transition of 1957–58, some Colombians had spoken of those countrymen born since the 1920s as the “generation of the state of siege”—a decidedly urban Epilogue 219 reference, one that acknowledged the lack of information about rural violence. In La violencia


dastgah, 8; healing powers attributed to, 51–52; instruments and, 54; khaneh and, 33; in Mughal-era texts, 45; Mughal rag and, 55; scales in dastgah, 151; types of people/geographies and, 53; Uyghur maqam, 5 Maragha, city of: in the Afsharid Empire, 46; in the Ilkhanate, 39; in Safavid Empire, 43; in the Timurid Empire, 41 Maraghi, ʿabd al-Qader, 8, 45, 59, 95, 99, 132, 187; on compositional forms, 33–34; dynastic courts served in, 87–88; golden age narra- tive and, 185; on ʿilm and ʿamal, 50; Jāmiʿ index 259 al-alḥān, 40, 54, 59, 87; modern national

the street and speaking Voltaire’s language, you are apt to hear around you, often [in a tone of] blatant fear, “Moroccan.” The colonial conception of european superiority prevailed within the ashke- nazi public but clashed with the unifying egalitarian national conception, which made it necessary to conceal reservations about immigrants from africa, just as an anti- Semite committed to act in accordance with a liberal ethos is not permit- ted to vent his rejection of Jews. But however apt the comparison between the attitude toward Moroccans and anti- Semitism

Colombian government providing the remainder (Latin American Regional Report 1982; Dirección General DRI- PAN 1982b: 3-4). 37. According to his figures, by 1973 there were 870 consolidated peasant or- ganizations operating on invaded land around the country. 38. This was formalized in Laws 4 and 5 of 1973, which effectively eliminated 15« Our Daily Bread modernization strategy was the changing international and national conception of peasant producers. For decades these producers had been considered to be marginal, tradition-bound, risk-averse, and resistant to

teachings and practices and could not easily fit into the new national conception of Shinto as civic duty were placed into a separate category—Sect Shinto. There were thirteen officially approved Shinto sects that varied widely in belief and practice: some were based on mountain-worship; others focused on purification, ascetic practices, or faith healing; and some combined Confucian and Shinto teachings. Approved sects also included monotheistic new religions, such as Kurozumikyo– , Konkokyo– , and Tenrikyo– , which were formed in the nine- teenth century in rural

in Japan

’s process of social change were not pathologies, as functionalist theory held. To overcome this reigning framework, Fals wrote in mid-1962, National University sociologists commenced an eff ort “to create a soci- ological thought sown in Colombian realities, through the methodical observa- tion and cataloguing of local social occurrences.” 73 Fieldwork, in other words, demanded a questioning of theory. Th rough the process of observing and cataloguing, academic letrados began to grasp a truly national conception of their country. Reconfi gured ideas about space

wholly out- side. At certain moments, empires needed to soften differentiation and en- hance incorporation, when the need for colonial soldiers rose—in the French Caribbean of the 1790s or European campaigns of 1914—or at many other moments when people in the middle of relations of authority proved too important to making colonies work, too reflective of the actual ambiguities of colonial societies. At other moments, sometimes in reaction to activism in the colonies, rulers became more intent on articulating a col- onizer/colonized dualism, a more national conception