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Richard Atkinson and the University of California, 1995–2003

an award from the program’s two main sponsoring organizations, Big Brothers Big Sisters of America and Public/Private Ventures. Jim was there to echo the praise that President Bush himself had heaped on the program over the years, including during several events with Amachi leaders, volunteers, and beneficiaries in Philly. He touted the president’s Mentoring the Children of Prisoners program, which had dedicated $150 million over four years to this mission. A little over four years earlier, before he started as director in February 2002, Jim had spent several hours

156 10 Presidents and Chancellors Recent studies of universities, a familiar form of organized anarchy, suggest that such organizations can be viewed for some purposes as collections of choices looking for problems, issues and feelings looking for decision situa- tions in which they might be aired, solutions looking for issues to which they might be an answer, and decision makers looking for work. —Michael D. Cohen, James G. March, and Johan P. Olsen, “A Garbage Can Model of Organizational Choice,” 1972 “It has been pointed out that I seem to have a knack for

54 4 Seventeenth President [Both chancellors and presidents] are surrounded with potential adversar- ies but only the president has no rooting section—only potential assailants, except for the members of his or her own personal staff and, possibly, the regents. . . . At all times, the urgent issue was: how much could I accomplish and how well in whatever time was available? —Clark Kerr, The Gold and the Blue, vol. 1 The presidency of the UC system is a task of extraordinary complexity. Lo- cated at the nexus of the often conflicting expectations of the regents

FIVE The President's Program On inauguration day, the prime interest rate stood at 20 percent. The dominant economic issue remained inflation, not unemployment; thus, both media and politicians still emphasized reducing spending to balance the budget. The air of panic remained from 1980. "When Ronald Reagan steps into the White House next week," Newsweek wrote, "he will inherit the most dangerous economic crisis since Franklin D. Roosevelt took office 48 years ago."1 Lack of support for social spending was revealed, in another way, by President Carter

ELEVEN Cabinet Versus President ACCORDING TO the provisional constitution of the Republic of China proclaimed in March 1912,1 the powers of government were to be exercised by four bodies: the Senate, the President, the cabinet, and the judiciary. The power of the Senate acting as the nation's legisla- ture, and that of the judiciary as the guardian of law, seem to have been well defined. The source of confusion lay in the executive. The power of the executive was from the start a bone of contention between the President and the cabinet, and the adoption

129 . e i g h t of Presidents and Politics the presidency of the American Historical Association symbolized the pinnacle of professional achievement to which bolton aspired. by 1922 five of bolton’s teachers and patrons had been elected to that high office: McMaster (1905), Jameson (1907), turner (1910), Stephens (1915), and Haskins (1922). If Stephens could reach the pinnacle from berkeley, why not bolton? there were signs that the AHA leader- ship thought he might be made of presidential timber. two months after publish- ing his mission article in the

CHAPTER 3 THE PRESIDENT AND THE BOMB In his inaugural address on January 20, 1953, President Eisenhower said nothing explicit about atomic energy, but there were unmistakable over- tones in his careful phrases. He asked the nation: Are we nearing the light—a day of freedom and of peace for all mankind? Or are the shadows of another night closing in upon us? . . . This trial comes at a moment when man's power to achieve good or to inflict evil surpasses the brightest hopes and sharpest fears of all ages. . . . Science seems ready to confer upon us, as its

Coda The Death of a President KABUL, Oct. 10 (Bakhtar).—Noor Mohammad Taraki, former president of the Revolutionary Council died yesterday morning of serious illness, which he had been suffering for some time. The body of the deceased was buried in his family graveyard yesterday.1 Most observers date the end of the Saur Revolution to December 29, 1979, when the Soviet Union began its invasion and decade-long occupation of Afghanistan. In a symbolic sense, however, the revolution came to an end in late September of that year, when President Nur Muhammad Taraki

K The Republic's Three Presidents To what extent the two parliamentary leaders and President Lebrun can be charged with negligence, or an overemphasis on form at the expense of substance that amounted to dereliction of duty, is another question with some bearing on Anglo-French relations in the third week of June. Henri Becquart writes that MM. Herriot and Jeanne- ney had legal powers they never used to prevent the general débandade then in course. For instance, they could have convoked the chambers, whose session had not yet closed, for the purpose of