Search Results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 81 items :

  • "running for president" x
Clear All
US Presidential Elections of the 1890s

79 Early in March 1976, barely past the fi rst year of his administration, Jerry was riding high in the polls. Californians liked the continuing shake-up he had brought to Sacramento. And then, amid all the pre- sumably important things going on in his still-young administration, Jerry Brown announced he was running for president. In the annals of “I’m running for president” announcements, few could come close to Brown’s off hand approach. His announcement, such as it was, came late on a Friday afternoon in March 1976 during a chat with three reporters he

conservative leaders echoed this claim. Tom Delay, then House Minority Whip, blamed the shootings on abortion cul- ture and the “liberal relativism that has hallowed out too many souls in our society.” Seven months later while running for president, George W. Bush alluded to Columbine when he was asked about his stance on abortion. “There is something so wrong with a society where life is so devalued that people . . . walk into a school and blow people away,” he said. He sought a world where the “unborn” would be “protected in law.”1 This may seem like an example of

the Bill of Rights really meant. And it's thanks to Tacoma High School 153 Jessie O'Connor He Said No to Joe JESSIE O'CONNOR HARVEY O'CONNOR Harvey O'Connor and Jessie O'Connor 155 that I found out about socialism. In 1912, when Debs was running for president, one of my teachers decided to have a debate on socialism. I didn't know beans about it. I went to the library and got hold of a book called The Elements of Socialism, or something like that, by John Spargo. Pretty dull stuff, but it had a lot of material in it. The more I looked into it, the more impressed 1

, fixing his ambition for the first time within a form and idiom satisfactorily his own, explains that in the privacy of his mind he has really been "running for President" all along and "will set- tle for nothing less than making a revolution in the consciousness of our time," we see that this inten- tion has not lost impetus, but continues as an imper- sonal power source within what may at first have seemed the most wasteful of egotisms.3 A certain in- tensity of predication, and self-predication, seems natural to the American voice in literary argument as it

felony arrests—and served honorably in the military or graduated from a two-year or four-year college, the DREAM Act would allow them to apply for permanent resident status (the coveted green card) and then work toward full citizenship. The DREAM Act could have opened doors for Alejandro and Jonny, Karina and Daniel, doors they already saw closing. Eight years in a row it had died on the Senate fl oor. Now, in 2008, Barack Obama was running for president, and he’d vowed to sign the DREAM Act into law. They u n d o c u m e n t e d 97 couldn’t vote for the man

that less than six years after his “retirement” (in the aftermath of his humiliating defeat to Pat Brown in the California governor’s race, prompting the famous jibe at the Los Angeles press conference that “you won’t have Nixon to kick around anymore”) the former vice pres- ident was not only back, but running for president. Nixon was regarded as something of an afterthought to many non- Republicans in ’68, especially given everything else going on. Compared with the Tet OVensive, assassinations, riots, anarchy, and the pending revolution, who cared about the

thinking of the possibil- ity of RFK running for president. “By that time, there was a considerable disenchantment with the Johnson administration—not a breach but a feel- ing that things weren’t going well, and that something needed to be done,” Frank Burns said. “I would say early in ’67, we started to make contact with Senator Kennedy concerning his coming out here [to California] to broaden his base.” In March, after Kennedy’s speech to the Senate, Unruh and Burns flew east to meet with him on St. Patrick’s Day. A snowstorm de- layed Unruh for four hours, but the

undistinguished service was noted for frequent and lengthy absences, since Stanford was often in Europe taking the waters at Bad Kissingen. As for his Senate duties, “Stanford found them ‘irksome.’ ”2 He attempted to get a handful of bills passed, but generally failed. As with many U.S. senators, there was some scattered talk by his promoters of his running for president—some said Jennie was behind the rumor—but nothing came of it. One major piece of legislation that aroused some of his waning energy was the landmark Interstate Commerce Act, which gave Congress the

their parents and grandparents supported it), created great bitterness on both sides, tension that is still discernible today, a half century later. Th e diff erences spawned political arguments, and even entire presidential campaigns. John F. Kennedy’s younger brother Robert, running for president in 1968 on an antiwar platform, won the Democratic primary in California, a very important step that might have taken him to the Oval Offi ce. But his assassina- tion in Los Angeles crushed the hopes of those who thought that the war could be de-escalated, if not