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British Working-Class Education in the Nineteenth Century

regarded as the prototype of the one-party system which is be- coming the norm in the newer states of Africa. After a brief period of interparty rivalry in the nineteenth century, the True Whig Party cap- tured control of all branches of government in Liberia, and has success- fully weathered all foreign and domestic threats to its supremacy during the past eighty-five years. The party's monopoly in the political realm has permitted it to maintain control as well over all other forms of or- ganization within the Republic. This, too, has become a feature of the

beginnings of the supremacy of Parliament with the revolution.1 It could be called the Whig school. On the other hand, there are those like Betty Kemp, Robert Walcott, J. P. Kenyon, and Archi- bald Foord who emphasize the king's influence, play down the importance of party, and argue that the revolution created a bal- ance of government, with the king's power very little diminished. * This could be called the Namier school. And the question that this essay seeks to answer might well be phrased in this manner: which model, the Whig or the Namier, more closely fits the

in the New York political system. . . ."10 Thus in the mid-eighteenth century, the framework and practice of politics in America were profoundly different from those of England, where a restricted franchise, placemen, and patronage determined the tone and the direction of political life.11 There were also important differences in the political persuasion of American politicians. Those concepts and principles adhered to by a tiny, insignificant group of Englishmen who called themselves Real Whigs were central to a significant number of American politicians

instruments of pressure with consummate skill.3 Each successive crisis increased radical power and committee functions. When the In- tolerable Acts of 1774 brought overt rebellion to the American colonies, these Whig committees possessed superb organization, with representa- tion in almost every community. Royal authorities and their colonial Tory supporters were unprepared. And yet, as late as 1774, when Brit- ain imposed military rule over unquiet Boston, almost all Americans were still prating words of loyalty to George I I I . General Thomas Gage assumed the royal

these events and follow- ing it: the nature and shaping influence upon policy of the political culture, particularly as it expressed itself in the tradition embodied in the Whigs of the Age of Jackson, and their legatees, the Republicans. The point that will here be made is a simple but historically central one: the Sacramento Flood Control Project, the culmination of this long struggle, was the product of a nationally reborn and triumphant Whiggery which in the Progressive years reached an extraordinary apogee, what might be called the "Whig Moment" in

C H A P T E R T W O Lex Loquens Sir Roger de Coverly is Dead. . . . Sir Andrew Freeport has a Letter from one of his Correspondents in those Parts that informs him the Old Man caught a Cold at the County Sessions, as he was very warmly promoting an Address of his own penning, in which he succeeded according to his Wishes. But this Particular comes from a Whig-Justice of Peace, who was always Sir Roger's Enemy and Antagonist. D. Bond, ed., The Spectator, by Joseph Addison (Oxford, 1965) , vol. 4 , p. 339 . It has long been apparent that in the early

produced by the destruction of the Bank of the United States. Such a statement was naturally to be ex- pected, for some part of a Whig governor's message must needs indicate the change of administration, and the bank was a sub- ject of general interest. As usual the legislature was far more interested in "practical politics" than in the less sportive business of lawmaking. The paramount question was the election of United States Senators, but first of all, the opinions of both legislators and constituents must be molded so as to accord with those of the leaders

to be marked by it. 4-A DISCIPLE OF BURKE Burlington House in Lord William's youth was the headquarters of the Whig opposition. It had been that ever since the crisis which the governing class had gone through at the end of the American War of Independence and in particular since the younger Pitt's triumph over the Fox-North coalition in 1783-4. Portland, the nominal leader of the coalition in 1783, was the effective organiser of the party, the man who spent hours at his desk while Fox provided the inspiration, the social charm, the rhetorical fire

throughout the nineteenth century; and at the state level the dis- tinctions between Whigs and Democrats were identical to those to be observed on the national level." Thus in the national as well as in the state capitals Democrats condemned all proposals for governments to aid businessmen, includ- ing publicly funded internal improvements (roads, canals, and river and harbor projects) as unfair measures that took money from all to benefit a few, as government subsidies for wealthy entrepreneurs. An- drew Jackson's Maysville Road Veto (1830) was a famous event of his