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Labor, Citizenship, and the Making of a Rural Land Market

(Heights, Canals, etc.) Two Millerstons Two valleys Puerto Rican migration Daily white migration to work in city Related discourses (historical,  visual, or narrative) Latino family/culture narrative Health disparities Opportunity/hope/progress Headless pregnant teens Other key elements (Lack of) reproductive justice framework Sexuality and families as sites for the reproduction  of empire source: Adapted from Clarke 2005. 172 a p p e n d i x b partially correct. This is the case not because I was hopelessly embedded in my topic and could not see beyond it but

author believes that forces to curb expansion in scale are already at work—in cities, on the farm, in nature-based production. Some of these forces are economic and involve the increasing costs of "adding more" at the margin. Some are social and involve negative feedback from pollu- The word is here used to encompass the full range of applications of modern society to produce "products. 218 tion and other quality-of-life variables. Some are political and involve the major effort currently underway to reduce large scale in government and in decision

allowed car owners to work in cities while residing in the country. It would not be a stretch—however odd this may sound—to see the growth of American suburbia in the 1940s and 1950s in part as a large-scale response of the middle class to an attribute of the automobile not shared by the horse.11 This model of technological influence applies equally well to recording. We can see the Stravinsky example as a response to an aspect of recording technology—the strict time limitation of 78s—that distinguished it from traditional live performance. The result of

other village within the county had developed contracts with dragonhead companies.14 Faming had a more difficult tra- jectory than Shuang-ba; the 1980s had brought the mines, after which the 1990s became a decade of decline. By the time Boss Bo arrived, most vil- lagers were willing to seek work in cities. In Faming the new economy of migration extended rather than over- turned the extant social structure of the 1970s and 1980s. Like most vil- lages, Faming is divided into several sections, directly corresponding to the commune production brigades demarcated under

and their three children all work in cities. Su’s mother is eighty-one years old. Su’s wife maintains that because the old lady can still wash clothes and cook, she is independent and does not need care. Now Su’s married daughter is dropping by once a week to check on her grandmother; the Su family has also asked the neighbors to keep an eye on her. Su’s wife felt sorry for her mother-in-law, commenting, She has two sons and fi ve grandchildren. All her life she sacrifi ced herself for the family . . . nobody would think that with so many sons and grandchil

, 147-152, 157, 168, 170-172, 185; associations, 183, 184, 192; bedouins, 49, 142, 188; drain on rural popula- tion, 111, 118; families, 168-170; floating population, 65, 167; foreign origin, 108, 109; impact upon city, 182; males, 168-170; motives, 105,106, 114, 146, 147, 171; personalities, 147, 148, 185; and population growth, 111, 120, 122, 145, 146; quarters, 65, 149; return to villages, 5, 24, 83, 105, 150, 151; settlements, 65, 126, 142, 14&- 150, 157; and social change, 172; village ties, 64-66, 149-151, 154, 181; work in cities, 140, 148, 151, 171

uncertain role in this structure; they were loose agents who were not accountable to women or children in the vil- lage. But Liu Guang was childless of his own volition, and he was not socially isolated. He had a wide network of friends and acquaintances 184 t h e f u t u r e o f c h i n e s e d e v e l o p m e n t whom he often made plans to visit during most of the year when he worked in cities. When he was in the village, Liu Guang made do in his own way, in part by relying on the same brother, Liu Hong, to contribute to him a portion of the crop his wife

employment in distant provinces, or looked for work in cities. In Japan as elsewhere in the world, the lives of urban migrants may have been more exciting than those of people who stayed in the villages, but they were also on average far shorter. Most societies of early modern and modern Europe excluded many young people from marriage, condemned some propor- tion to lifelong celibacy, and stigmatized women who conceived out of wedlock.31 Th e bourgeois of Paris and other French cities farmed out their children to wet nurses in the countryside, in whose care they were

British agriculture, noting that in the 18th century farm output doubled while the percent of population in agriculture fell by half. That is true, but it is not because people were released from agriculture due to higher productivity. Rather, control of land by primogeniture combined with population growth meant that most of the population added in the 18th century had to leave the land and search for work in cities or rural crafts. Overall farm output in Britain barely kept pace with overall population, even if the productivity of the farming population by