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the government; but even this false honour is as useful to the public as true honour could possibly be to private persons. Il est vrai que, philosophiquement parlant, c’est un honneur faux qui conduit toutes les parties de l’État; mais cet honneur faux est aussi utile au public que le vrai le seroit aux particuliers qui pourroit l’avoir.¹ C H A P T E R 3 Motivation and Leadership in the Enlightenment Chapter Three Motivation and Leadership in the Enlightenment 58 Chapter Three Montesquieu illustrates the mysterious power and majesty, as well as the

between William Strahan (fi g. 5.1) and Thomas Cadell (fi g. 5.2). It was a spectacular ac- complishment, especially when one considers that the books in question included so many major works by the leading writers of the age. Although several of their most distinguished authors were English, such as Edward Gibbon, Samuel Johnson, and Sir William Blackstone, a disproportionate number of them were Scots. The House of Strahan and Cadell was the preeminent publisher of the Scottish Enlightenment. Strictly speaking, it wasn’t a “house” at all, because no legal

 “a veritable babylon” Enlightenment and Disorder “Les petits” are led along by the example of “les grands” and “les grands” have no power to repress the unruliness of “les petits” since they take part in the same disorders. This entire colony is a veritable Babylon. B Father Le Maire on Louisiana,  (Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. Fr. , fol. ) One of Louisiana’s earliest intellectuals was also one of its most interesting characters: Father Le Maire, who spent fourteen years in Louisiana (– ). He had taken thismissionary work out of a curiosity

            French Economics in the Enlightenment In nature everything is intertwined, everything runs through circular courses which are interlaced with one another. —François Quesnay Few scholars, if any, dispute the claim that France was the center of intellec- tual activity during the Enlightenment, even if an English philosopher—John Locke—and a German philosopher—Immanuel Kant—are often credited with bounding the period (roughly 1690–1790). Nor is the recognition of France’s central role meant to rob other places of their rightful claim on

175 Iovis omnia plena All things are full of Jove —Vergil, Eclogues O Erd o Sonne o Glück o Lust! O Earth o Sun o Happiness o Pleasure! —Goethe, “Maifest” All the intellectual activity of these late decades of the eighteenth cen-tury would have been as nothing if it had not offered a credible basis for lived practice. What view of life and what way of life did the Enlightenment make possible? What was left standing, spiritually, as a result of the age of criticism? At the centre was the modest but soundly constructed dwelling for human beings that Kant had

2 A Map of the Enlightenment: Whither France? Forty years ago, it was deemed redundant to bother qualifying the Enlightenment as French. “Th e proper noun in Greek philosophy is only an inessential tag, as it is in French Enlightenment,” in- toned one critic. Th is assumption that the philosophes—only the French word would do—embodied and to an extent owned the Enlightenment was enshrined in countless histories of the age, perhaps most notably in Peter Gay’s monumental study. While occasionally glancing westward to the American colonies, north to England

4 Doing Enlightenment Local Sites and Social Spaces Even as their revolution raged, some citizens of the new French Republic found time—and space—for late Enlightenment. For on the morning of 10 No vem ber 1793, or 20 Brumaire year II in the Revolutionary calendar, Pa- risians fl ocked to Notre Dame to witness the Festival of Reason. Actresses from the Paris Opéra paraded as the goddesses of Reason and of Liberty. In the choir of the church the assembled crowd erected an artifi cial moun- tain on whose top stood a small temple inscribed “To Liberty

14 From Enlightenment to Revolution: A Shared History? By 1789, the program of Enlightenment announced seventy years earlier seemed well on its way to being fulfi lled. Monarchs across Europe found it advantageous to let it be known that they were advised by philosophes; academies fl ourished not only in major capitals but also in provincial towns; and more than ever before, the philosophical ideals associated with the new science were embraced by wide swathes of society. Th ese transformations do not validate the old celebration of the Enlightenment as

6 Humanism and Enlightenment: Th e Classical Style of the Philosophes Th ough it began as an argument over the literary value of Chris- tian versus pagan epic poems, the Quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns thus quickly snowballed into a wide-ranging de- bate over the importance of the new science, the meaning of his- tory, and the mechanisms of cultural transformation. Any topic could be grist for its mill, and almost every scholar or writer of the time contributed, in some way or another, to this national, and to some degree European, conversation. Th

the deeper signifi cance of it can bring tears very close. C O U N T H A R R Y K E S S L E R The Enlightened Rector and the Politics of Enlightenment Warburg understood Cassirer’s intellectual agenda to be in- timately intertwined with his own vision for Hamburg—a belief that Mayor Petersen confi rmed when he laid the rector’s chain on the professor’s chest at his installation ceremony (Rektoratswechsel) in November 1929 (fi g. 11). Alluding to Warburg’s successful campaign to persuade Cassirer to choose Hamburg’s university over the one in Frankfurt