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. In short, the incorporation of the medical field into philosophy presents an opportunity for the latter to deal in a significant way with the questions of human morality and mortality. The application of moral philosophy to medicine in the discipline of medical ethics is timely. Contemporary moral philosophy faces a crisis of xiv i n t r o d u c t i o n authority, described by Alasdair MacIntyre (1981) in his well­known book, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory. MacIntyre argues that this crisis of authority is a breakdown of the Enlightenment attempt to

of, 87; discov- ery of, 87–88. See also conception ejaculation, 25, 33, 309n6; proof of, 36–37. See also premature ejaculation electricity: as cure for impotence, 86, 118, 128, 135, 138–39, 143, 144, 164, 182; and Mesmerism, 86 Eliot, George: Middlemarch, 119 Elliot, Carl, 260 Ellis, Albert, 208, 224 Ellis, Havelock, 174, 302n61 endocrinology, rise of, 181, 185–87, 189–96, 200–204, 207. See also hormones enhancement technologies, 258–60; and male consumers, 260 Enlightenment: and critique of Catholic Church, 91–93; views on impotence held during, xvi, 77

6, no. 1 (1993): 89–121; “On Psychology,’’ special issue of Science in Context 5, no. 2 (1992); G. S. Rousseau, ed., The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Roger Smith, “Does the History of Psychology Have a Subject?’’ History of the Human Sciences 1, no. 2 (1988): 147–77; Christopher Fox, ed., Psychology and Literature 160 Thinking and Feeling without a Brain upon what I will call the eighteenth-century politics of psyche. Most suggestive for the purposes of this study are those social and

, Helen. Spitting Blood: The History of Tuberculosis. Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2012. Bynum, William F. “Nosology.” In Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine, edited by William F. Bynum and Roy Porter, 1:335–56. London: Routledge, 1993. ———. Science and the Practice of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century. Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Bynum, William F., and Vivian Nutton, eds. Theories of Fevers from Antiquity to the Enlightenment (Medical History supplement, no. 1). London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1981

- torian Jean Starobinski, wrote an accompanying monograph that is the most complete cultural history of generosity as charity. Starobinski suggests three historical periods of generosity: ancient, Christian, and Enlightenment. Starobinski’s description of gift giving among the ancient Romans anticipates Levinas’s emphasis on the nonreciprocity of generosity: “The act of giving without being paid in return placed a man almost among the ranks of the divine.” He quotes several ancient writers on the theme that a person’s spiritual possessions cannot exceed what they have

of this book is simply to recall that we do not just naturally express emotions converging on our amygdala or wherever, but rather that we are first constituted as expressive agents by what the philosophers of the Scottish Enlightenment called “social passions.’’ Contrary, however, to these optimistic philosophers such as Francis Hutcheson and Adam Smith, who tried to anchor social passions in a moral sense equally shared by all, I argue that the constitutive power of emotions depends upon their uneven distribution. By looking at the rhetoric of this un- even

world and, 71; “primary’’ (Damasio), 41; psychosocial, 17; “secondary’’ (Damasio), 41; shadow economy of, 7; social aspects, 28–39; social propriety and, 172; suppression of, 2; universal, 68; Western view of, 6n7. See also affect; passions; pathos empathy, 67 emulation, beneficial, 43 “England’s Plus Ultra’’ (Caryl), 107 English Civil War, 7–8, 49n32, 85–111, 141 Enlightenment, 178 ennui, 51 Index 185 Enquiry concerning Human Understanding (Hume), 117, 136–37 enthusiasm, 49n32, 81–83, 118, 134, 165 Enthusiasmus Triumphatus (More), 81, 82n30 entitlement, 3 envy, 75

, turns into private morality.’’ See Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis: Enlightenment and the Pathogenesis of Modern Society (Oxford: Berg, 1988), 31. Chapter 2 57 serious political thought across the European continent and in England. Citing Seneca’s On Benefits, the Dutch political theorist Hugo Grotius famously set “natural reason’’ against the passions in the fashion typical of Stoic moral philosophy. He writes in his masterwork, De jure belli ac pacis libri tres (1625): Since over other animals man has advantage of possessing not only a strong bent towards

) inmates taking over the asylum in a “Southern” setting. But the story’s context must be widened beyond the national preoccupation with slavery to the transatlantic aftershocks of the Revolution, rumblings caused 1 4 6 c h a p t e r f i v e not just by the ongoing upheavals conducted in the name of Reason, but by the persistence of uncontainable, inextinguishable, possibly even spreading elements of irrationality and madness that Enlightenment-inspired revolu- tions could not stamp out. In this story, Poe implicitly accepts the claim of early psychiatry that the

, to say the least, especially in the religious context of the English Civil War. To understand how certain Enlightenment sensibilities make it nearly impossible for leftist critics such as Walzer to articulate the very bond between passivity and reform that early modern subjects presumed most natural, we must now move beyond religion to the disciplines that provided techni- cians of early modern subjectivity the mechanics, so to speak, of human renovation: natural philosophy and rhetoric—disciplines similarly prepared to describe and exploit the possibilities of hu