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this means actively creating markets and market like dynamics wherever po-
litical and organizational problems arise. Interestingly, Mirowski (who is a
politically charged economic historian) also turns to Wikipedia in these con-
cluding pages, presumably to show how the epistemic commitments of neo-
liberalism are making their way into the most unlikely of places. He rightly
notes, for example, how Jimmy Wales claims to have arrived at the idea for
Wikipedia from reading Hayek’s “The Use of Knowledge in Society” and also
how Wales’s view of knowledge in
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fl ight, urban renewal, and the Great Society. It is not that these established
316 / Conclusion
narratives are necessarily wrong, only that they are more local than has so
far been appreciated. To fully understand how the planning of American
cities has been infl ected by the history of class politics or ethnic and race
relations or Progressivism, liberalism, neo- liberalism, or conservatism will
require many more local studies, particularly studies that look outside of
the Northeast and industrial Midwest. Even in the arena of federal urban
), 39–60. The same argument is made by those
commentators who emphasize the rise of “neo-liberalism” and its robust
emphasis on the market as the central metaphor for society, and its
attendant construction of citizens as primarily consumers. See Neil
Brenner and Nik Theodore, eds., Spaces of Neoliberalism: Urban
Restructuring in North America and Western Europe (Oxford: Blackwell,
2002); Wendy Larner, “Neo-Liberalism: Policy, Ideology,
Governmentality,” Studies in Political Economy 63 (2002): 5–25; Jamie Peck
and Adam Tickell, “Neoliberalizing Space,” Antipode 34
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Crapanzano, Vincent. 1980. Tuhami: Portrait of a Moroccan. Chicago: University of Chi-
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Cruz, José Miguel. 2010. “Central American Maras: From
Are they the people who may have called themselves neoliberals (e.g., Bill
Clinton) whose liberalism sought to undo and rethink older features of the
welfare state? Or is neoliberalism not really useful as a political label or
identity, so much as it is a way of referring to the broader context in which
these two poles come to seem the limits of organized politics— a way of
describing the entire spirit of the age? And if the latter, how to think about
the proliferation of self defined conservative politics within an age of neo
liberalism? Does the