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26 A Room of One’s Own: Managing Spaces, Lives, and Laws in Residential Care Work When I met the first women in the streets of Alpinetown, their stories seemed (and claimed to be) remarkably simi- lar. They talked of their previous lives as teachers, doctors, nurses, managers of small factories and offices, military ju- nior officials, and engineers in the provincial capitals of the empire. Of their increasingly desperate attempts to find, after 1991, new ways of earning a livelihood. Of the consequences of the ruble crisis. Of the breakdown of their

Public Work and Urban Governance in New York City
Personal and Collective Transformations in Eastern European Migration
Reckoning with Police Violence

Contents Prologue vii Introduction 1 1 A Room of One’s Own: Managing Spaces, Lives, and Laws in Residential Care Work 26 2 Practicing Abundance: Immigrant Women and the Challenge of Consumption 61 3 Strong Mothers, Great Lovers: Sexuality in Emigration 95 4 Getting Serious: Courtship, Love, and (Maybe) Marriage in Emigration 117 5 Proper, Respectable Places: The Arduous Construction of Community Institutions 144 Conclusion: From the Detritus of the Soviet Union into a New Social World 172 Acknowledgments 207 Appendix: How I Conducted My

what this conceptual move allows for studies of sex work as well as for studies of care work, suggesting that theorizing sex work as care allows a way around the ongoing debates about work versus exploitation in prostitution, as well as a useful means of linking sex work to other kinds of labor provided by women in the global economy. From this perspective, sex work in tour- ism can be fruitfully discussed in relation to studies of Latin American and Asian women’s caring work as fundamental to global capitalism and as part of the broader incorporation of women

, 139– 40; passage of legislation, 34, 45; shareholder role, 64. See also B Lab Berry, Todd, 116 Berry, Wendell, 70 Best, Jacqueline, 28 B Lab, 35, 43– 44, 46, 48– 49, 53– 55, 58, 61, 63, 67, 137– 38, 140– 41 Block, Fred, 25 Blyth, Mark, 9, 129– 30, 132 Boltanski, Luc, 17, 140, 163n2 Bookchin, Murray, 21 Boyer, Robert, 34– 38, 41 Bradby, Barbara, 21 Bradley Foundation, 101, 114, 121– 22 Bretton Woods, 27– 29 “Budget Repair Bill.” See Wisconsin Act 10 (2011) Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores (2014), 51 Callon, Michel, 13, 162n19 care work. See labor: care work Cascade

I n d e x Ackerman, Sara L., 190n6 aff ective labor, 64, 68– 71, 84, 87. See also care work; emotional labor Agustín, Laura María, 98 Ahmed, Sara, 164 AIDS and STI Control Unit. See AIDS Control Unit AIDS Control Unit, 113, 140– 43, 158, 176, 180, 181, 183, 194n7 Alexander, M. Jacqui, 162 Amsterdam, 30 Antivenereal Department, 136, 137 Antivenereal Social League, 122 Antivenereal Week, National, 122– 24 Argentina, 107, 120, 156, 172, 192n5 Auyero, Javier, 113 Bauman, Zygmunt, 54 Bell, Shannon, 117 Bernstein, Elizabeth, 2, 24– 25, 30, 31t, 47, 55, 58, 62, 186

exchanged for money, in the form of wages, fees, or a salary. Our every- day conversations make the same equation. For instance, people ask new mothers whether they plan to go “back to work,” as if looking after a baby were not work. One of the defining features of a feminist perspective is the recognition Chapter Three · 46 that caring for your family is also work: the difference is that you don’t get paid for it. And that is a feminist issue, because most unpaid care work for the family is done by women. That fact is often invoked as a commonsense expla- nation

Hoerder (2002). 54. There is nothing particularly new in stressing the social differences in work conditions typical of domestic services and the impact they have on the immigrant experience. There is, indeed, a wide literature on how employ- ment in domestic service has shaped the migration experience of European women migrating to the Americas. See, among others, Lintelman (1995), Wehner (1995), and Diner (1983). For a similar argument concerning La- tina care workers in the US, see Ibarra (2002). 55. Care work requires, nearly by definition, a temporal and