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Personal and Collective Transformations in Eastern European Migration

also home(land) Holodomor, Ukrainian, 62 home(land), 17, 35, 45– 46, 53– 54, 56, 69, 106– 7, 120, 126, 172– 73, 195– 96, 197, 226n20, 238n18. See also here vs. there binary homophily, 232n1 hyperfemininity, 21, 74, 100, 106– 10, 182, 187– 89, 191, 192– 98, 222n70, 232n3 immigrant organizations, 145– 46, 210. See also Agape; Moldova; Vira; Vykup India, 13 irregular migration, 28, 38, 48, 52, 68, 128, 137, 145, 148, 172, 179, 181, 210, 226n20, 244n1. See also amnesty Kazakhstan, 221n61 Khrushchev, Nikita, 20– 21, 228n7 Lidl supermarket, 85– 86 liminality, 178

. Hyperfemininity had become an oppositional stance that sup- ported both a claim to respect and a legitimation of mating as a form of social mobility. Consumption became a dominant element of their self- image along a similar, and intertwined, dynamic. The adoption of a strongly con- sumerist stance was another way in which the women drew a boundary against Italians, most frequently symbolized by the stereotype of the stingy employer who, albeit wealthy, was not interested in acquiring “nice things.” They did not deserve the world of plenty they inhabited, and to which

Migrant Networks: The Case of Mexican Migration.” Demography 40 (2): 289– 307. Cvajner, Martina. 2009. “Non solo domestiche: Reti amicali e vita sentimentale delle donne immigrate.” In Badanti & co.: Il lavoro domestico straniero in Italia, ed - ited by Raimondo Catanzaro and Asher Colombo, 134– 64. Bologna: Il Mulino. Cvajner, Martina. 2011. “Hyperfemininity as Decency: Beauty, Womanhood and Respect in Emigration.” Ethnography 12:356– 74. Cvajner, Martina. 2012. “The Presentation of Self in Emigration: Eastern European Women in Italy.” ANNALS of the American

preach the virtues of self- sacrificing wifehood and promiscuous hyperfemininity simultaneously, my first idea was that the second dimension represented a fantasy, some- thing the women merely boasted about among themselves. I thought of Alina’s tales, and many others I subsequently heard, in the same way I would have about the conversations of a crowd of adolescent males in the locker room of a gym. I also needed to acknowledge my own preju- dices: many of the women were in their forties or fifties, overweight and poorly dressed, and constantly stressed by

Cleopatra- like hyperfemininity. Samson may be no more a slave than his fellow grinders at the prison house, but his enslaved condition is felt all the more keenly because of his former religious and social eminence. Samson not only embodies all the forms of difference that the Christian covenant will supposedly cancel, according to the famous verse from Ga- latians, he also drives these differences to their outer limit. In his person he condenses and exaggerates every mode of particularity that Christian universalism will take it upon itself to dissolve. All that

the nightmare scenario for the most reluctant women. In Iryna’s view, Ukrainians should appear different from local women not in order to be loyal to a previous model of femininity but in order to gain respect in their current setting. If they did not take care of their ap- pearance, she claimed, they should not be surprised that Italians did not respect them. As I will argue in detail in the next chapter, this notion of hyperfemininity was regarded as a key resource for claiming respect from both natives and coethnics. Iryna presented the goods as objects

chose to com- pete with Colonna, the most important of the Renaissance women poets, in paraphrasing the great model’s verses. Echoes of other Italian poets, male and female, can also be found in Chiara’s canzoniere, but to a lesser degree. She shared with Isabella di Morra the pathos of a tragic destiny, as well as a densely expressive language that refl ects her ambitions, a desire for recogni- tion, and a strong, general passion, a passion radically different from that of Vo l u m e I n t r o d u c t i o n 29 Gaspara Stampa, notable for her hyperfemininity