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· [Six]· Representation Madison's principle that ambition must be made to counteract ambi- tion does not by itself give much indication of what sort of "departments" the government's power should be distributed among. Federalist 52 begins the "particular examination" of the government's parts with the least controversial part, the House of Representatives. The House is the branch which is most consonant with the "genius of republican liberty" according to which power must be derived from the people and held for a short duration by a number of hands (37, p. 227

chapter twelve Liminal Representation Michael Saward In politics, representation is as representation does. Or— it is the contin-gent product of what is done with it or in its name. Against this back- ground, efforts by theorists to extract representation’s essence from its contexts and functions do not necessarily advance our understanding (Derrida 1982, 301). Likewise, neat distinctions between, for example, two or more types, forms, or qualities of representation are common in demo- cratic theory, but the practices that produce representation often traverse

{ O N E} Representation and Democracy In that it is both an aspect of electoral behavior and a mech- anism for determining government’s responsiveness to the public, representation has acquired the status of a demo- cratic institution in political science. This despite the fact that political representation is not associated exclusively with democracy (it predates modern democratic states and exists in states that are not democratic); in fact, its relation to democracy is permanently subject to debate. Yet the pic- ture becomes more complicated when we move from

chapter thirteen Recursive Representation Jane Mansbridge The representative system is coming under increasing strain in many democratic countries. To take only one example, the 2016 referendum vote in Britain to leave the EU (“Brexit”) underscored the fragility of the representative system in both Britain and the EU. That the elected rep- resentatives in Britain decided to hold a referendum itself demonstrates the widespread belief that for many British citizens the existing system of electoral representation in Britain was not sufficiently legitimate to

chapter seven Rethinking Representation The practice of political representation has eclipsed classic theories about Western democracy. Generations of political theorists and scholars of American politics assumed that representation is a one- way relationship in which the public’s preferences regarding policies are stud- ied for their effects on government decision making. The democratic the- orist Bryan Garsten (2009, 90) observes: “Most of the political science literature simply presumes that the purpose of representative government is to be an instrument

2 Re-presenting Representation While the major currents circulating in the art world during Tansey's formative years differ significantly, they share what he regards as an oversimplified view of representation. From Plato and Hegel to the artistic tendencies dominant in the 1960s and 1970s, representation appears to be a problem that must be overcome. Approaches to producing art that share little else seem united in their effort to attain immediacy by negating the medium. I The medium seems to be something like a screen, boundary, or limit separating

chapter four Segmented Representation Who is represented? Presidents have long portrayed themselves as “stewards of the people” who serve the entire country and its greater good (Gerring 1998; Bimes and Mulroy 2004). Modern presidents (with the assent of political science) regularly present themselves and their policies as reflecting the national interest, in contrast to recalcitrant members of Congress, who act on behalf of narrow, well- organized fac- tions (Tulis 1987; Kernell 1986/2006; Moe 1993). Presidential promotion of the greater good channels a deep

three Intersectionality and Representation Intersectionality is a relatively new term within political theory and social science research, but concerns about multiply disadvantaged subgroups are long-standing.1 Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and extending into the twenty-first, American political movements and organizations that claimed to speak on behalf of marginalized groups have faced allegations that they ignored the needs, interests, and iden- tities of constituents who face more than one type of discrimination or disadvantage, a legacy

uence of image upon image. I don’t think of my work as being in the least bit macabre. I think of it as being slightly truthful sometimes. Everybody has his own interpretation of a painting he sees. I don’t mind if people have diff erent interpretations of what I have painted. f r a n c i s b a c o n REPRESENTATION CR UC IFI XIO N [4] 1. Sylvester, Interviews, 23. On Bacon’s familiarity with Documents, see Ades, “Web of Images,” 12; Peppiatt, Francis Bacon: Anatomy, 39. On the relation between Bataille 136 c h a p t e r f o u r To Bacon, the butcher shop

four Trickle-Down Representation? We met for lunch at a popular Dupont Circle restaurant, on one of those humid summer days that reminds you that Washington, D.C., was built on a wetland. My lunch companion, the chair of the board of a civil rights organization,hadjustreturnedfromhisorganization’sannualconvention. As we ate, he reflected upon some of the decisionsmade at the convention about this organization’s public policy agenda. Among them had been a decision to move away from social service programs—such as SAT prep, credit counseling, and teen pregnancy