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Popular Loyalism in the Revolutionary British Atlantic

, and Meagan Dermody have brought the manuscript to fruition. I have also benefi ted from the insights of participants in the UCLA Center for 17th- and 18th-Century Studies’ British Atlantic in an Age of Revolu- tion and Reaction conference, the William & Mary Quarterly/Early Modern Studies Institute’s Early American Biographies workshop, the Cushwa Center’s American Catholicism in a World Made Small semi- nar, the Jesuit Institute at Boston College’s Jesuit Survival and Resto- ration seminar, and Arizona State University’s Provost’s Humanities Fellowship. I am

trade with West Africa. Anglo- Dutch trade in the Americas is covered by Claudia Schnurmann, Atlantische Welten: Engländer und Niederländer im amerikanisch-atlantischen Raum 1648– 1713 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1998); Christian J. Koot, Empire at the Periphery: British Colonists, Anglo-Dutch Trade, and the Development of the British Atlantic, 1621–1713 (New York and London: New York University Press, 2011); and Victor Enthoven and Wim Klooster, “Contours of Virginia-Dutch Trade in the Long Seventeenth Century,” in Early Modern Virginia: New Essays on the Old

, this book connects the social experience of quartering to the politics that led to IMPORTANCE OF PLACE IN THE AGE OF ATLANTIC REVOLUTIONS 3 independence. It does so by thinking about notions of place. Quartering forced people throughout the British Atlantic to contemplate the meaning of the spaces they inhabited and to renegotiate places they had taken for granted. Not only did this process create a nation—it changed American ideas about the home and the city. Few since 1775 have relived the ordeal of William Thompson, but the effects of quarters in

, this book connects the social experience of quartering to the politics that led to IMPORTANCE OF PLACE IN THE AGE OF ATLANTIC REVOLUTIONS 3 independence. It does so by thinking about notions of place. Quartering forced people throughout the British Atlantic to contemplate the meaning of the spaces they inhabited and to renegotiate places they had taken for granted. Not only did this process create a nation—it changed American ideas about the home and the city. Few since 1775 have relived the ordeal of William Thompson, but the effects of quarters in

others.9 As Thistlewaite claimed, “It is clear that in South, even more than in North, America and for an impor¬ tant fraction of individuals, migration was temporary and transitory.” Though he wrote about the nineteenth century, he could have been describing the eighteenth-century British Atlantic world.10 The proportion of sojourners to permanent white settlers was greater in the tropical islands than it was in the mainland colonies simply because there were fewer whites in the Caribbean. With large slave populations, few creole institutions, and an

Literature and Culture, ed. Herbert F. Tucker. London: Blackwell, 1999. Armitage, David. "Three Concepts of Atlantic History." In The British Atlantic World, 1500-1800, ed. Armitage and Michael]. Braddick. London: Palgrave, 2002. Armstrong, Nancy. Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History ofthe Novel. Oxford:· Oxford University Press, 1987. Arnold, Matthew. "Civilization in the United States." Nineteenth Century 23, no. 134 (April1888): 481-96. 224 Works Cited Ashton, Rosemary. George Eliot: A Life. London: Penguin, 1996. Auerbach, Erich. Mimesis: The

No Useless Mouth
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Waging War and Fighting Hunger in the American Revolution

knowledge of the Atlantic world at large would benefi t from a discussion of commonalities and differences between the Dutch realm and the Atlantic empires. Thus far, comparative history seems to have had a limited appeal among Atlantic historians—and when comparisons are made, they tend to be between the English and the Spanish Atlantic. 8 An analysis of the Second Dutch Atlantic, however, reveals interesting par- allels to the British Atlantic. Both were religiously and administratively decentralized but racially and ethnically fairly homogeneous. Both dif- fered

War for In de pen dence differ- ently in terms of power relationships, to make comparisons between food policies, and to distinguish between people who benefited and people who suffered from hunger- prevention efforts in the British Atlantic World.1 Scholarship on the Atlantic World has taught historians that they should look beyond the concept of the nation or state when assessing power relation- ships. The notion of nations was still developing in the eigh teenth century, but questions about who sought, won, and lost power were much older. If readers