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Immigration has raised fundamental questions about the very nature of French civic life, as the arrival and settlement of immigrants have repeatedly am- plifi ed the tension between the pluralism inherent in democracy and the unitary thrust of French republican ideology. This dilemma now spans most of modern French history. While much of Europe witnessed emigration in the nineteenth century, France received an infl ux of foreigners: the country’s immigrant popula- tion nearly doubled from 1870 to 1890 and increased another third by 1921. As of 1931, France

2 Confronting Immigration Restriction In 1903, early in his tenure as general manager of the IRO, David Bressler asserted that the passage of increasingly stringent immigration laws was provoked in part by "congestion and its resultant economic and social evils:' Consequently, any measures to reduce congestion would also weaken the position of immigration restrictionists, for "[without] so- called Ghettos and Jewish East Sides, there would be no logical reason to oppose or restrict the immigration of Jews into this country."1 In the same vein, The

8 Immigration and Agriculture The brightest hope for the welfare of seasonal agricultural workers lies with the elimination of the jobs on which they now depend. Lloyd Fisher, The Harvest Labor Market in California, 1953 The farm workers of tomorrow are growing up today outside Califor- nia, a fact that has not changed much in the past one hundred years. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, the major farm labor issue is whether immigrant newcomers will continue to be the mainstay of the seasonal farm work force for another century. The answer to this

began to change what had been an unexceptional prejudice against Algeri- ans. Race played a role in metropolitan France's public policy for the first time during the war. Despite their universalist pretensions, French authori- ties declared North Africans too "ethnographically distinct" 1 after hostilities ended and did everything in their power to send every last colonial subject home. If racial fear drove their immigration policy, however, French politi- cians would simply have closed their southern border after the postwar ex- pulsions. Unlike the United States

citizens originated from every 1 IMMIGRATING TO JAPAN [Japan] was not built on the same princi ples as a country like the US. There’s no, what is it, quote, give us your poor, your hungry, on the Statue of Liberty. It’s written on the base of the statue. Bring them on! Right? In Japan, it’s not like that at all. . . . So, I don’t think the reason people come here . . . there’s no sort of American, err, Japa nese Dream like there is an American Dream, right? If you believe the American Dream still exists. You cannot come to Japan . . . actually you can

Unions and Employers in Unlikely Alliance

The opening of the Cité Nationale de l’Histoire de l’Immigration (CNHI) on October 10, 2007, clarifi ed the distinction between two terms: opening and inauguration. The new museum opened its doors to great media attention, but it did so without any champagne or petits fours. Neither the President of the Republic nor the new minister of immigration, integration, national identity and codevelopment appeared, and no formal inauguration was ever held. This open- ing without an inauguration serves as a double reminder of how museums can be both a product of and

1 Introduction The Immigration-Security Nexus The only fence against the world is a thorough knowledge of it. John Locke In the immediate aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the U.S. government instituted a series of emergency measures designed to seal U.S. borders, grounded all aircraft fly- ing, and imposed a lockdown on networks of transportation. Once it was revealed that the nineteen hijackers were foreigners, critics of the supposedly lax immigration system argued that the government should use all means available to

Introduction: The New Hispanic Immigration This book reflects three kinds of change under way in the United States to- day: the increasing importance of Hispanics in American politics, their own increasing diversity, mostly as a result of immigration, and the complex in- corporation of these immigrants into American political life. It is impossible, walking through almost any American city today, to ignore the signs of transformative change. These can be seen in the lettering of signs over the storefronts, which are not just in English but in a panoply of