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Popular Loyalism in the Revolutionary British Atlantic

less radical goals, the old regime usually collapses more rapidly, and the new leaders al­ ready control elements of a new state apparatus and can establish their authority more easily. See Ellen Kay Trim berger, "A Theory of Elite Revolutions," Studies in Comparative International Development 7, no. 3 ( 1972); and Erik Allardt, "Revolutionary Ideologies as Agents of Structural and Cultural Change," in Social Science and the New Societies, ed. Nancy Hammond (East Lans­ ing: Social Science Research Bureau, Michigan State University, 1973), 154. [21] Revolution

monsters." This was a meaning that the Irish democrats would have grasped immediately. But there was a hidden ambiguity in Goya's etching. The Spanish word for sleep, "sueno," is also the word for dream; the engraving could equally be translated as "the dream of 172 reason produces monsters." And there is a sense in which this second meaning is particularly appropriate for the revolutionary ideology of the United Irish- men, as applied to the condition of their own country.1 From the United Irish perspective, Reason appeared as a kind of panacea for all political ills

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and his clear support for the cause of the Patriot forces in the United Provinces. He also began to give active support to the abolition of slavery. This volume continues to reveal a Lafayette that scholars have failed to notice, a Lafayette who by 1782 was mature beyond his years. As his old antagonist, Horatio Gates, put it, Lafayette was an "old head upon young shoulders."3 Not merely a boy in transition, he was a man who clearly saw and understood that the revolutionary ideology of the American conflict was "in earnest" rather than a "rehearsal" for

states have been relatively unsystematic or else confined to a single case. Our theoretical understanding of revolution and war thus con­ sists largely of untested "folk theories." At the risk of oversimplifying a di­ verse body of scholarship, we may group the alternative explanations into three broad families, whose focus, respectively, is on revolutionary ideology, domestic politics, and the revolutionary personality. 12 Kim, Revolution and International System: A Study in the Breakdown of International Stability (New York: New York University Press, 1970

stature, Gannett challenged the emergent post-Revolutionary ideology of gendered spheres that separated society into masculine public and femi- nine private domains (fig. 17.1). That ideology made universal claims but had limited explanatory power, particularly for women in the lower or working classes. Her rapid shifts between the rhetorics of domesticity and antidomesticity, of self-promotion and self-incrimination, reflected her multiple projects: the need to authenticate and justify her military experi- ence at the same time as she attested to her feminine virtue

. Precisely these conditions are the most conducive to radical change. Large-scale disruption and an internally distorted culture, argues Wal- lace, may lead to "revitalization," defined as a "deliberate, organized, conscious effort by members of a society to construct a more satisfying culture."11 The potential for "culture-building," adds another analyst, is all the greater if there are "mass participation and revolutionary ideological activities among the masses."12 In other words, the advent of revolution, with its upheaval in struc- tures and values, accompanied

observation to a note at the end of the book. 5 More recently, historians have focused in new ways on the international dimensions of the French Revolution. Many scholars have asked how the French Revolution had an impact abroad and how various peoples—in the Caribbean, in the Americas, in Europe—interacted with the French Revolution to forge their own revolutionary traditions. 6 For example, rebel slaves in the Caribbean fused revolutionary ideology with West African military expertise and Caribbean cultural practices to demand emancipation. Already in 1789

innate right to self-determination. All are pro- gressive because they reject all or some of the historical past; they believe in the efficacy of human intervention to change history for the better. And all are rational because they diagnose a challenge and prescribe a response; they embody distinct notions of cause and effect, ends and means; matching means to ends is not usually random, emotional, pas- sionate, willful, or romantic. But the differences between the two main types also must be stressed. Revolutionary ideologies insist on drastic institutional

Social Origins of American Revolutionary Ideology," Journal of American History, 64 (I978), 935-958; Isaac Kramnick, "Republican Revisionism Revisited," American Historical Review, 87 (I982), 629-664. 4 iNTRODUCTION The ambitions of American entrepreneurs grew far more rapidly and in different directions than most craftsmen could have antici- pated. In New York City, the scope of this expansion can be seen in the six-fold increase in population between 1790 and 183o (JJ,ooo to 197, I 12). The value of taxable property and real estate rose even faster, with