Accessible Requires Authentication Published by De Gruyter Mouton 2020

Parentheticals, root phenomena, and V2 in German

From the book Verb Second
Hubert Truckenbrodt and Frank Sode

Abstract

The parentheticals that Ross (1973) analyzed in English in terms of slifting have the finite verb in C in German (V1-parentheticals). In English and German, they require a host clause that is a root clause. We review and extend the evidence for this here, in a comparison with German wie-parentheticals (and the corresponding English as-parentheticals). We then develop an analysis of this restriction. In the analysis of Sode and Truckenbrodt (2018), which we extend here, root clauses are characterized by a silent attitudinal Force-head (building on the analysis of root-clauses by Haegeman 2003, 2004a,b). These Force-heads play a central role in the analysis of verbal mood and of V-to-C movement. The current extension formalizes the distinction between root-clauses that have V-to-C movement (V2 or V1) and V-final root clauses. We embed our analysis of the two parentheticals in this extended analysis. Core elements of the analysis are as follows. (a) The Force-head of a V2/V1 clause gets the value for its attitudinal anchor and for its features through grammatical interactions. These include V-to- C movement. In V1-parentheticals, they also include the attraction of an attitudinal operator to Spec,ForceP. This operator requires a host clause that is a root clause. (b) The Force-heads of V-final root clauses are pronominal and get their attitudinal values from (not necessarily local) antecedents, not by grammatical interactions. Therefore they do not attract V-to-C movement. In wie-parentheticals, there is furthermore no reason for attracting the attitudinal operator that requires a root clause host.

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