The parentheticals that Ross (1973) analyzed in English in terms of slifting have the finite verb in C in German (V1-parentheticals). In English and German, they require a host clause that is a root clause. We review and extend the evidence for this here, in a comparison with German wie-parentheticals (and the corresponding English as-parentheticals). We then develop an analysis of this restriction. In the analysis of Sode and Truckenbrodt (2018), which we extend here, root clauses are characterized by a silent attitudinal Force-head (building on the analysis of root-clauses by Haegeman 2003, 2004a,b). These Force-heads play a central role in the analysis of verbal mood and of V-to-C movement. The current extension formalizes the distinction between root-clauses that have V-to-C movement (V2 or V1) and V-final root clauses. We embed our analysis of the two parentheticals in this extended analysis. Core elements of the analysis are as follows. (a) The Force-head of a V2/V1 clause gets the value for its attitudinal anchor and for its features through grammatical interactions. These include V-to- C movement. In V1-parentheticals, they also include the attraction of an attitudinal operator to Spec,ForceP. This operator requires a host clause that is a root clause. (b) The Force-heads of V-final root clauses are pronominal and get their attitudinal values from (not necessarily local) antecedents, not by grammatical interactions. Therefore they do not attract V-to-C movement. In wie-parentheticals, there is furthermore no reason for attracting the attitudinal operator that requires a root clause host.