4 Agency and Its Limits: African Unionists as Africa ’ s “ Vanguard ” at the FDGB College in Bernau

On January 30, 1961, Werner Raase’s term of office ended abruptly. Raase had served as the first director of the Institut für Ausländerstudium (Institute for Foreign Students), the most recent institution added to the East German trade union college, the Hochschule der Deutschen Gewerkschaften “Fritz Heckert” in Bernau near Berlin. Only one day earlier, the responsible federal executive of the central trade union federation which ran the college, the Freie Deutsche Gewerkschaftsbund (FDGB), had decided to dismiss four persons: Raase and his deputy, a teacher and an interpreter.2 The FDGB executive criticized not only the theoretical and didactic shortcomings in the teaching of state-socialist Marxism-Leninism, for which Raase was held responsible. The decision to dismiss him was also based on an intervention by 17 African students, whose request for a talk led high-ranked members of the Abteilung Internationale Verbindungen (International Relations Department) of the federal executive to travel to Bernau.3 The accusations subsequently collected were serious. In addition to the criticism of insufficient “political leadership” of the institute’s directorate,4 the second major point of critique were racist statements made by Raase and other teachers. For example,

South. The assessment was based on the marginal spreadofcommunist parties, especiallyins ub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, the orthodoxnotion of historical materialism necessitated an expectation that the workingclassshould be united primarilyi nt rade unions as the "class organization[s] of the proletariat".¹¹ Thus, in this case it was not onlyamatter of the diplomatic recognition of the GDR as as overeign state,b ut alsoo ft he projection of av anguard onto the African trade unionists, who in this sense playeda ni mportant role in the state-socialist ideas of as ocio-political transformation.¹² In the so-called afroasiatische Lehrgänge (Afro-Asian courses) of the Bernaui nstitute, then, "classconscious, modest,s acrificial trade union functionaries" weret ob ei nstructed on how to organize and educatet he "workingc lass of Africa as the vanguard of the African peoples […]f or the improvement of workinga nd living conditions".¹³ Furthermore, these "solidarity measures" werelinked to the goal of "effective support for the anti-imperialist,a nti-colonial, national liberation struggles".¹⁴ This contribution focuses preciselyonthis alleged vanguard of Africa, which in the early1960s went to studyatthe FDGB collegeasone of the most important East Germanplaces of transnationalsocialist encounter.Incontrast to aspectsof their social mobility, discussed by ImmanuelR .H arisch,¹⁵ the analysis focuses on the agency of the African trade unionists vis-à-vis the institute'sd irectorate and the FDGBofficials on the ground. Iargue that, on the one hand, the (almost exclusivelym ale) African course participants¹⁶ knew how to use the vanguardconcept they were studying,a sw ell as the unstable foreign policy situation of  Friedrich Engels, "Brief an Bebel",i nMEW vol. 19 (Berlin: Dietz, 1973), 6.  ImmanuelR .H arisch, "'Mit gewerkschaftlichem Gruß!' Afrikanische GewerkschafterInnen an der FDGB-Gewerkschaftshochschule Fritz Heckert in der DDR", Stichproben. Vienna Journal of African Studies 34 (2018): 82-83; Schleicher, "Elementeentwicklungspolitischer Zusammenarbeit",111-112.  "Sekretariatsinformation: Analysed er Arbeit im 3. afro-asiatischenL ehrganga nd er Hochschule der DeutschenG ewerkschaften 'Fritz Heckert'",M ay 6, 1963, 2, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/ 2500.  "Präsidiumsvorlage zur Arbeit des FDGB und seiner Gewerkschaften nach Afrika",J anuary 11, 1960,3-4, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/406.  Harisch,'Mit gewerkschaftlichemG ruß!',.  Most of the course participants (hardlys urprisingly) came fromt he workingc lass.M ost of them were originallyo ffice workers (in public service,a st eachers or in the health sector)o r dock and port workers, "trade workers" or railroadworkersi nt he transport industry.H owever, in retrospect it is not possible to reconstruct which trade unionists alreadyw orked as functionaries at the beginningoft he course. But after their studies in Bernau, several participants took over highpositions in their trade unions.For moredetails on their social background see Angermann, 'Ihr gehört auch zur Avantgarde',5 3-61.
4A gency and Its Limits the GDR,t oi mprovet he teachinga nd living conditions at the FDGBc olleget o their benefit.Asthe introductory example shows, the trade unionists of the Global South werea lsoa ble to intervene against racist incidents with some success.
On the other hand, the African trade unionists, who, in theirrole as students in Bernau, appropriated such projections (stubbornlyo reigen-sinnig¹⁷)a ss elfimages, alsoh ad to face the limits of their agency.A lthough they werea ble to protest openlya gainst the responsible functionaries without the risk of having to suffer repressive measures -in contrastt ot he East German population, which as ar ule had only "silent forms of defiance"¹⁸ at its disposal -the scope of action of the African course participants and that of the autochthonous inhabitants of the GDR weres imilar in terms of political options. Regardlesso f social origin and temporary or permanent residence, "small people" in the GDR onlyh ad "power and regulatory competence" in the surroundingl ifeworlds.¹⁹ The possibilities of influenceb eyond one'so wn,s ocial everydayl ife weres everelyl imited due to the "all unifying central power"²⁰ of the ruling Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED) and its mass organizations -such as the FDGB. Givent his context,t he participantsi nt he third Afro-Asian course werenot in aposition to water down the all-encompassingand universallyvalid claim to power of one party and initiate political activities that bypassed official institutions. On the contrary,despite all proclamations of international solidarity and equality,t hey also experiencedt he power techniques of SED rule. Consequentially,t hey weret reated more as subjects of paternalist protection than as trade unionist Kollegen (colleagues).²¹ This will be demonstrated through am icrohistorical analysis of ac oncrete conflict between students of the third Afro-Asian course and the institute'sdirectorate. After half ayear of study, the vast majority of the course called for an independentlyo perating Afro-asiatisches Komitee (Afro-AsianC ommittee) to establish, amongst other things, anti-racist educational work for East German workers.I ns od oing,t hey implicitlyq uestioned the SED'st op-down claim to  This is the commonj argonu sed to address course participants or trade union representatives. Kollege is the commonf orm of address within or between trade unions;i ts ymbolizes the idea of equality of all trade union members.T he English equivalenti sbrother or sister.
sole leadership and its claims over the interpretation of social conditions in the GDR.
The presentation of this conflict outlinesthe different ways of interpretation of the African course participants at the college, which wereheterogeneous, ambivalent,and not always consistent.Lastbut not least,Iwillshow to what extent the FDGBf unctionaries, togetherw ith the institute'sd irectorate,r eacted to the criticism of the students they called the vanguard and made (or had to make) concessions to them, but also how they worked out disciplinary measures and partiallya dapted and appropriatedt he content of the protest.
The central arena of the conflict was the Rat der Delegationsleiter (Council of Heads of Delegation), which was established by the institute as ar esulto ft he intervention against the former institute'sl eader WernerR aase. The emergence of the council is evidence of an appropriation of agencybyAfrican trade unionists. The council was the onlybodythrough which course participantscould participate in decision-making processes through their delegation representatives.²² At first,h owever,t hey wereo nlya llowed to "help" the institute'sd irectorate to successfullyrun the course by communicating "wishes".²³ The African representativeswerealso initiallynot allowed to set theirown agenda items at the meetings.²⁴ Even though the institutionallyg ranted competencies were extremelyl imited, the Council of Heads of Delegation wasn evertheless as ite for voicing complaints about the institute'sd irectorate'sa ctions. The social conditions experienced by the African studentsw erea rticulateda nd their objections, in some cases, even led to success. The close connection of the council to the new head of the institute,H einz Deutschland,²⁵ and the institute'sd irectorate,h ow- Each national trade union federation represented at the college by students provided adelegation. The heads of delegation weret ob ee lected by their Kollegen or had alreadyb een appointedb yt he sendingt rade union in advance; see "Schulordnungd er Hochschule der Deutschen Gewerkschaften 'Fritz Heckert'",n od ate,7 ,S APMO-BArch,D Y7 9/270.  Ibid., 6.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",M arch2 0, 1962, 4, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Shortlyb eforet he beginningo ft he thirdA fro-Asian course,H einz Deutschland started his work as instituted irector.T he historian, whow as only2 7y ears old at the time, had am odel East German career to this point.B orn in Bernau, he came from aw orkingc lass familya nd first learned the profession of al athe operator.A fterj oining the SED and the FDGB he studied economics and history in Berlin and Moscowand was aresearch assistant at the FDGB college, until he finallyt ook over the directorateofthe Institutefor Foreign Students;see Hella Karden, 4A gencya nd Its Limits ever,m ade apparent the goals of the FDGB to control and discipline all initiatives.²⁶ Thisw as also evident in the largest protest duringt he third course.

"Vanguardist" Complaints
On March 17,1962, the heads of delegation of the course met informally, deliberatelyexcludingthe institute'sdirectorate, to discuss several problems within the course.²⁷ The primary reason for the meeting was the discussion on the "formation of ac ommittee" which, accordingt ot he Nigerian representative,would enable the student bodytoact independently "as acollective" and implementmeasures in the future.²⁸ Furthermore, his colleagues argued for aj ointp lace for understanding trade union work,²⁹ "political issues",and for informingone another "about the situation of the workingclass in our countries";a fter all, pan- However,Heinz Deutschland, wholives in Berlin today, emphasizes retrospectively that discussions generallytookplaceonanequal footingunder his leadership;for example, about different ideas of socialism, see Heinz Deutschland, e-mail message to ImmanuelR.Harisch, September 2, 2018. Further references in the written sources also speak for am oree mpathetic and collegial climate under Heinz Deutschland. Forexample, after the end of the course, there was a regular correspondenceb etween him, whow as hardlyo lder or even younger than manyo ft he participants in the course, and some of the graduates for several years;see Angermann, 'Ihr gehört auch zur Avantgarde',4 6-47,7 5-76.O fc ourse, these friendships could not dissolve the structural power relations at the institute.  Nevertheless,there is aprotocol written in German, which appears to be official. According to Heinz Deutschland, this was based on the notesoftwo of the institute'sinterpreters whowere present at the meeting: "Iremember that the transcript of the meetingofthe heads of delegation on March 17,1962w as made on the basis of the noteso ft he twoi nterpreters Ursula Hofmann (English) and Christel Herz (French), after we […]h ad heard about this meeting. Apart from their mother tongue, the African colleagues onlys poket he languageo ft he respective former or still colonial power,E nglish or French. They had therefore askedt he interpreters they knew to help them. Both colleagues had become accustomed to writingd own key points or even longersentences for their translations,because the African colleagues were not used to taking breaks and givingthe interpreter the opportunity to translate. This was also necessary in this case because the explanations had to be translatedf irst intoG erman and then as preciselya s possible intoE nglish or French. Thus,o nt he basis of these noteso ft he twoc olleagues, a basis existed for the reconstructiono ft he essential content of the explanations of the heads of delegation, partlyi ni ndirect speech and partlye venl iterally." Heinz Deutschland, e-mail message to ImmanuelR .H arisch, August 23,2 020.  "Niederschrift über eine Zusammenkunft der Delegationsleiter",M arch 17,1 962, 1, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",M arch 20,1 962, 13,S APMO-BArch, DY 79/2500. African "unity" to fight together against Western capitalist "imperialism" was the proclaimed goal.³⁰ ForA frican students adhering to as ocialist-influenced pan-Africanismc ontinental unity was paramount comparedt ot he unity of the state-socialist camp which was propagated at the college. Thus, the dominant idea of pan-Africanism was clearly ac entral, thought-provoking impulsef or the debate on sense and purpose of the committee. This was demonstrated at the subsequent council meetingsw heret he heads of delegations clarified their ideas. The heado ft he Ghanaian delegation J. A. Osei³¹ statedthat "Africa in its entirety" was to be represented by the committee,³² uniting the "builders" of the African continent.³³ Such self-positioning revealed that the political designation as vanguard was also, in part,aself-perception. Although the political conditionsi nt heir home countries varied strongly,³⁴ the delegation leaders sawt heir role in developing "ac ommon political strategy" for the respective "national liberation struggle" in their homec ountries and "against capitalism" in general. They therebya lso sawt heir studies as an opportunityf or future political struggles -after all, "the opportunity to meet is better here […]t han in Africa".³⁵ The few Asian delegations,which provided just five percent of the course,³⁶ werea lsoi nf avor of the committee. It is noticeable, however,that their African  "Niederschrift über eine Zusammenkunft der Delegationsleiter",M arch 17,1 962, 1, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Fort he Ghanaian unionist J. A. Osei see Osei, annotated by ImmanuelR .H arisch, this volume.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",M arch 20,1 962, 12, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Ibid., 7.  The African students at the Bernauc ollegecame from awide rangeofc ountries.Anumber of the politicallyindependent states endured arather peaceful transition to the postcolonial government, while others had to experience military violencea nd oppression of the colonial powers, Furthermore, therew ere the still colonial territories where African liberation movements werestarting to be engagedinguerilla wars alongside the colonial settler regimes likeSouth Africa and South-Rhodesia, wherepolitical participation and independenceseemed to be far away. The independent African states which had apresenceo fs tudents in Bernauv aried in their political orientation -some were closer to the state-socialist countries,o thers to the Western-liberal bloc.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",M arch 20,1 962, 18, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  "3. Lehrgang -September 1961-März 1963",n .d ., 1-2, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/439.

4A gencya nd Its Limits
fellow students rarely made reference to Asia when they spoke of "unity".³⁷ Furthermore, onlythe Sri Lankan delegate is cited as aparticipant in the discussion in the protocol.³⁸ The East German teachers, too, generallyonlyr eferred to their African students duringt he entire course. The social and political upheavals in Africa at the beginning of the 1960s werethe most likelyplaces of social-revolutionary imaginations for East Germant rade union functionarieso ft hat period, highlighting Africans as (supposedly) revolutionary subjects.
Therefore, the broadlysupported proposal of the committee is by no means to be understood as af undamental opposition against the East Germani nstitute'sdirectorate or state socialism in general. At the first informal meeting,several heads of delegation stressed that they did not want to openlyoppose the Institute for Foreign Students and praised the commitment of their teachers.Only Tanganyika'su nidentified representative,who emphasized his union'sm embership in the ICFTU,³⁹ openly criticized the situation. In his view,t he students of the course had been used as a "tool" for "propaganda […]against West Germany and America",w hich in the future had to be stopped by the committee.⁴⁰ His view wasq uickly contested by otherh eads of delegation who claimed that the major common enemyw as imperialism.⁴¹ Still, alarge number of other course participantswerealso annoyed at being objectifiedinthe FDGB'sdeclaration of International Solidarity as part of the East German state socialist agenda, which subsequentlyc onfirmed an identity-forming self-image.⁴² This concerned, first and foremost,t he instrumentalization of studentsd uring public events such as solidarity conferences.T he institute did not even "ask" the studentst op articipate,b ut "instructed" them to do so.⁴³ At the samet ime, the heads of the institutes had not communicated anyi nformation about the content of the public events in advance, while the studentsp resent on sitewereintroducedasofficial representativesoftheir trade unions without prior notice. The South African representative Gilbert Hlabukana pointed out whyt his put the course participants at risk. The reporting of the conferences by the state media would endanger "50 %o fa ll the colleagues studying here" who "live in illegality" and whose "necks are put on the line".⁴⁴ Additionally, Hlabukana argued, he himself had been commissioned by his trade union confedera-tion⁴⁵ to speak at conferences about the conditions in his country,which was "in the depths of fascism",but onlyonthe condition that "published photos of himself weret ob ea voided".⁴⁶ In the course of the discussion, it became evidentthat experiences of racism werethe primary reason for the attempt to initiate an Afro-Asiancommittee as an independent institution. African course participantscriticized the representation of the social conditionsi nt heir home countries in East German publications.⁴⁷ The Guinean Daouda Camaras ingled out ab rochuree ntitled BeiF reundeni m freien Afrika (With friends in freeA frica), which described "an outdated state of Guinea" as ac ountry without anyc ar traffic.⁴⁸ The Senegalese delegation leader Amadou-Lamine Diop wasa ngered by the racist imagery of ac aricature depicting as leeping child on the back of an elephant particularly, claiming that this was "the samep ropaganda" that "the imperialists spread about Africa".⁴⁹ With the plannedc ommittee, however,apossibilityf or intervention could be created, "in order to enlighten the people here about the real circumstances" and to enforce "that such nonsense is no longer published",the Moroccan representative announced.⁵⁰ In this sense, not onlyf uture stereotypical representations weret ob ep revented, but involvement "in the upbringinga nd development of the masses in the GDR" with regardt ot he conditions in Africa was to be implemented⁵¹ -al-

4A gency and Its Limits
though certain reservations also appeared in light of past experiences of racist ways of thinking, acting,a nd representing.Acolleaguef rom Cameroon, for example,expressed his disappointed hopes. Upon his arrival in the GDR,hewould have believed "to come to aparadise"-but thatwas "not so",because "the European" would "always remain aEuropean".⁵² Such incidents were by no means isolated. Black studentsf rom Sub-Saharan Africa described racist behavior which they encountered on ad ailyb asis. Fore xample, "anonymous letters" werecirculating in the vicinity of the collegeinwhich "German girls" werecalled upon to not "flirt with their African colleagues".⁵³ The Togolese representative Benoît Agbetrobu complained thatthe girlfriend of afellow student from his delegation had receiveds uch al etter,a ne vent which he called "very strangei na socialist or communist country".⁵⁴ But even the collegeitself was not freeofdiscrimination. At the beginning of the course, students had alreadycomplained to the head of the institute, Heinz Deutschland, about an employee of the school restaurant.I nt his specific instance, the annoyancestemmed from the fact that no consequences werenoticeable.⁵⁵ Even fellow East Germans tudents stood out negatively.F or example, Osée Mbaitjongue from Cameroon recalled ameeting with aguest of his Betreuer and room-mate,⁵⁶ who accused him of "becomingaminister and having several women" upon his return to Cameroon, and that he could provide these women if he came to visit.Ontop of that,another East German student at the collegehad grabbed his hair without offering an explanation.⁵⁷ Daouda Camaraalsoreported on fellow East German studentsw ho had asked him whether people carried "ar ifle" in Guinea "because of all the predators".⁵⁸  "Niederschrift über eine Zusammenkunft der Delegationsleiter",M arch 17,1962, 3, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  "Protokoll der Sitzungdes Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 10,1962, 2, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Ibid., 6.  Ibid., 6, 11.  These mentors were studentsf romthe GDR with whom the course participants shared their double rooms; see Ilona Schleicher, "FDGB-Offensive in Westafrika: Der Gewerkschaftsverbund im Jahr Afrikas",inEngagiert fürA frika:Die DDR und Afrika II,ed. Ulrich van der Heyden et.al. These examples reveal the dominantr ole sexualized perceptions playedi n the context of racist behavior towards fellow African inhabitants in the GDR.⁵⁹ In general, and despite all official negations and an anti-fascist and anti-colonial self-idealization, they refert ot he lingering effect of colonial imagery and racist ways of thinking about the exotic or original people of Africa in the GDR.⁶⁰

Responding Hosts
Throughout the course of the conflict over the Afro-Asian Committee, the institute'sd irectorate and the responsible representativeso ft he FDGBe xecutive tried to settle the matter as quickly and quietlyaspossible. To this end, they engagedinlengthydiscussions with the heads of delegations and made substantial concessions to them on some points. TheC ouncil of Heads of Delegation was givenmore time on aweeklybasis in future, starting with its first official meeting after the informal meeting. In addition, the institute'sd irectors Heinz Deutschland and Gerhard Hans expanded the opportunities for student participation by allowing delegations to submit their owna genda items.⁶¹ Furthermore, the status of studentsa ti nternational solidarity events,w hose central role the East German hosts repeatedlyemphasized for the common "struggle" against imperialism and for the "solidarity movement" in the GDR,was to be changed to the role of "observers".⁶² This could prevent them from being publiclys een as representatives, which then could have led to repression in their homecountries, as the South African representative Gilbert Hlabukana had pointed out above. The institute'sdirectorate also accepted criticism of representations in East German magazines and specialist journals voiced by the Guinean and Senegalese delegation.⁶³ Addressingt he FDGB executive responsible for media relations, collegedirector Karl Kampfert subsequentlyordered that "all photos or other pic- 4A gencya nd Its Limits torial material depicting Afro-Asian studentsf rom our institute for foreigners must be approved by the head of the institute before they can be published".⁶⁴ The institute'sd irectorate thus took up politically justifiable aspects of the students' demands, but from the outset it did not allow for the Afro-Asian committee to become an independent student initiative -even though its representativesavoidedanofficial positioning at the first council meetingduringthe conflict.⁶⁵ The Council of Heads of Delegation, to which the studentsonlywanted to assign competencies concerning the organization of studies,⁶⁶ was to be the only representative bodyf or student interests. The "formation of such ac ommittee", on the other hand,was supposedlyu njustifiable -for it would have to subordinate itself to the "instructionso ft he institute'sd irectorate",t hereby limiting their right to make anyi ndependent decisions, as noted in ar eport on the first meeting addressed to the FDGBe xecutive.⁶⁷ Thisa lso highlighted the concern about aloss of political control.Itwas strictlyrejected that apossible committee run by the African studentscould "uniformlyimposedemands on the directorate of the institute" and enforcet hem.⁶⁸ The reason for the widespread "demand for such acommittee" was not seen in the continuation of colonial relationsb etween East Germans and the studentso ft he Global South. Instead, those responsible in Bernauc laimed that the ICFTU was trying to influence the course.⁶⁹ The lack of self-reflection here and the referencet oe xternal manipulative forces can be explainedb yl ooking at the weaknesses of the Marxist-Leninist state doctrine.⁷⁰ Thisi sa lso indicated by the fact that the reportq uotedh ere was addressed to the FDGB executive,w hich in the centralists tructure of the  This was based on "justified complaints";see "Brief der Hochschuldirektion an den Sekretär der Kommission für Koordinierungu nd Qualifizierung des FDGB-Bundesvorstands",M ay 4, 1962, 1-2, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/183.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",M arch 20,1 962, 35,S APMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Ibid., 12.  "Einige Bemerkungen und Erläuterungen zum beiliegenden Protokoll und den damit ver-bundenenP roblemen",M arch2 2, 1962, 4, SAPMO-BArch,D Y7 9/2500.  Ibid., 1.  Ibid., 3.  This "is based on ag reat optimism of progress and idealism. The idea of actingi na ccordancewith historical laws,however,also reducesthe willingness for reflection and self-criticism if the expected forecasts are not realized. If history is not understood as an open process, the absenceo frevolutions or even the emergenceo fa uthoritarian instead of emancipatory tendencies [or the emergenceofintra-societal contradictions,note d. GDR Federation of Trade Unions had the final decision-making power also with regard to the Institute for Foreign Students.⁷¹ Itsd irectorate, with its very own motivation to createagood impression vis-à-vis the next highesta uthority, was itself looking for starting points for the rapid implementation of state socialist guidelines. Thiswas accompanied by the fact that it was not so much the actual intentions of the protesting students that were at the center of the institute's own search for solutions,b ut rather exploring possibilitiest oh omogenize the student collective.A ne xternal enemyh ad to be constructed, who would be held responsible for the "'disturbances' […]f rom outside".⁷² In addition to the speculations about the role of Western influence, in their criticism the institute's directorate singled out the Guinean DaoudaCamara, who had been himself one of the sharpestcritics of the institute'sreaction, in its report from the protesters' camp. In the institute'sview,Camara had allegedlytried to split the collective.⁷³

The Paternalismo fC omradeship
But Camara was by no means alone with his criticism. The apparent reluctance of the East German functionaries to give in to the demand for an Afro-AsianCommittee was followed by incomprehension, indignation, and, in the end, intensified forms of protest on the part of the students. In the first council meeting,the heads of delegation involved in the discussion criticized the lack of approval for the committee by the institute'sd irectorate,t hough some isolated voices were raised in appreciation of its efforts "to conduct the course and createf avorable conditions for us".⁷⁴ In this context,Camara implicitlyt hreatened to leak informationt ot he West.H es tressed thati tw as not reallyi nt he interest of the protesters to read that "youare with so-called friends who oppose your unity in the imperialist press".⁷⁵ De facto, however,h et hreatened to pass on the institute's  "Einige Bemerkungen und Erläuterungen zum beiliegenden Protokoll und den damit ver-bundenenP roblemen",M arch2 2, 1962, 4, SAPMO-BArch,D Y7 9/2500.  Alf Lüdtke, "'… den Menschen vergessen'? -oder:Das Maß der Sicherheit:Arbeiterverhalten der 1950erJ ahre im Blick vonM fS, SED,F DGB und staatlichen Leitungen",i nAkten. Eingaben. Schaufenster.D ie DDR und ihre Texte. Erkundungen zu Herrschaft und Alltag,ed. Alf Lüdtke and Peter Becker (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1997), 208-209.  "Einige Bemerkungen und Erläuterungen zum beiliegenden Protokoll und den damit ver-bundenenP roblemen",M arch2 2, 1962, 3, SAPMO-BArch,D Y7 9/2500.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",M arch 20,1 962, 13,S APMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Ibid.
4A gencya nd Its Limits disastrous assessment to the West German media if it were to oppose the formation of ac ommittee. Camara'ss tatement exemplifies how the students strategicallyu sed theirs ocio-political position duringt he height of the Cold Wart oa ssert their own interests in the GDR.
At the following delegation council meeting two weeks later,t he East German hostsn evertheless rejected the committee in the proposed form. Again, a representative of the International Relations Departmento ft he FDGBe xecutive was present.This "colleagueFischer" announced "on behalf of the federal executive" that,f ollowing agreements with FDGB Chairman Herbert Warnke and African trade union officials in Berlin and Prague, a "binding" decision had been made that the Council of Heads of Delegation was sufficient as the "onlyorgan" for the institutional representation of the students.⁷⁶ Although the committee could be founded, it would onlyc arry out ac ulturalf unction and could not deal with the FDGBd irectly, as this would endanger its "principle of non-interference".⁷⁷ It is obvious thatFischer here was referringtointernationalist principles of Marxism-Leninism, which in terms of foreign policy included -officially -the "freeself-determination" of nations and precisely "non-interference in the internal affairs of others tates".⁷⁸ Therefore, the committee could onlya ddress "matters of the African colleagues among themselves"⁷⁹ and should not interfere in the home affairs of the GDR.F inally, it wasa rgued that the Afro-Asian Committee would not have the right "to make anydemands on school regulations".⁸⁰ Fischer explicitlyd enied discussing the position of the FDGB executive.⁸¹ The East German representativesw erem et with aw aveo fi ndignation. Hamidou Diallo from Mali called for ad iscussion and explained that the students  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 3, 1962, 1-3, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Ibid., 18.  See as an exemplary contemporary source G. N. Zwektow, "Die Leninschen Prinzipien der sowjetischen Außenpolitik", Gesellschaftswissenschaftliche Reihe 19 (1970).  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 3, 1962, 1-3, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500,9 .  Ibid., 3.  Ibid. Lookingback, Heinz Deutschland formulated an objection, which is moretechnical and bureaucratic than substantive: "The FDGB had contracts or agreements with the heads of the delegatingorganizations.These did not provide for the colleagues delegated to studyinBernau […]tojoin forceswith representativesofother organizations in an 'Afro-Asian committee'.Wefelt bound by these agreements." Heinz Deutschland, e-mail message toI mmanuelR.H arisch, August 23,2 020. felt liket hey weret reated as "children" who did not know what they wanted.⁸² This was supported by LucB issayfrom Cameroon. The studentsi nBernauwere themselves( partiallyf ull-time) trade unionists. Fort hem, it was thereforei rrelevant what African trade union officials in Berlin or Prague thought of the idea of ac ommittee.⁸³ Diallo also questioned the alleged talks with African trade union representativesand instead, together with other heads of delegation, referred to acorecompetenceofthe committee, namelyeducational work on life in Africa, abottom-up approach for "the friendship between our peoples and the people of the GDR".⁸⁴ In the permitted form, however,the committee would only be a "glass bowl" with no contact to its surrounding.⁸⁵ Furthermore, it would be virtuallyi mpossible for the FDGBn ot to have anyc ontact whatsoever with the committee, since without its assistance it could not be set up. Several heads of delegation alsom entioned obviousd istrust towards the students shown by the FDGB executive.⁸⁶ In this sense,the FDGB wasapparently "afraid" of the students, as soon as theyw ould assume an active role.⁸⁷ Despite all objections, the institute'sdirectorate insistedonthe refusal to establish the proposed Afro-Asian committee. Heinz Deutschland responded to the broad criticism by stating that "interference in the internal affairs of the GDR", which accordingt ot he FDGB included the establishment of "relations with the workers of the GDR",was unacceptable.⁸⁸ The decision had been made "in accordance with the hundred-year-old principles of the German labour movement in relation to otherf oreign organisations".⁸⁹ Other explanations for the actions of the institute'sdirectorate and the FDGB executive appear more plausible. It is more likelyt hat the desire to intervene in the powers of the centralistp arty and trade union apparatus could not be permitted. The institute'sd irectorate was well aware that "the demandf or assistance in the education of the workingclass in the GDR" resulted from the statement -or "accusation",a si tw as called by the college -" that racism exists in the GDR,and not enough was being done from the official side against it".⁹⁰ The  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 3, 1962, 1-3, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500,4 .  Ibid., 10.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 3, 1962, 5, 11,S APMO-BArch DY 79/2500.  Ibid., 11-12.  Ibid., 12.  Ibid., 18.  Ibid., 6 -7.  Ibid., 19.  "Einschätzung",n .d ., 4, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.

4A gency and Its Limits
creation of the committee in the form proposed by the protesters would have meant an admission of social reality in the GDR with regard to widespread racism and of the fallibility of the prevailing ideologydeclareda st rue, which consequentlyquestioned the party'sleading role in state and society.The limitation of agency of the African trade unionists to act as students in Bernauw as revealeda tj ust this point,when they had in mind as elf-organized political practice without constant paternalistic subordination to the SED organs.⁹¹ The council meeting further escalated after this. It ended abruptlyafter adispute between severalheads of delegation⁹² and an attempt at appeasement that was not further commented on: students werea lso offered to become members of the German-African Society,which was in line with the ruling party SED.They could inform them about the social conditionsi nA frica, without,o fc ourse, questioning positions of the SED and its associated mass organizations.⁹³ As aresponse, the disappointed students turned to other means. The following day, the protesters declaredaboycott of an excursion to the Brandenburg steel and rollingm ill; apparentlyn ot as ingle student took part in the excursion.⁹⁴  Twoy ears earlier,f our African students from Nigeria, Uganda, and Togo had the same limitation of their agencyi nt he Soviet Union. The students of the stateL omonosov University in Moscow founded in September 1960 the independent "Black Africans' Student Union",f or which they weree xpelled by the university.A fterr eturning to their home countries,t he four scandalized their experienced restrictions and receivedg reat attention in Western print media; see Maxim Matusevich, "Expandingt he Boundaries of the Black Atlantic: African Students as Soviet Moderns", Ab Imperio 2( 2012): 339 -340.  The Congolese representative Joseph Safily, whoi nt he previous council meetingh ad been the onlyo ne to express criticism of the committee'sd emand (see "Niederschrift über eine Zusammenkunft der Delegationsleiter",M arch1 7, 1962, 4, SAPMO-BArch,D Y7 9/2500), came into the focus of his African Council colleagues. Safilya ccused the others of showingn or eal solidarity with their compatriots in times of the Congo crisis.Asaresult,the majority of the heads of delegations,some of whom had previouslyreportedontrade union colleagues whohad fallen in the Congo( " Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 3, 1962, 16, SAPMO-BArch DY 79/2500), left the meeting "under loud protest";s ee ibid., 20.E vena fter this prematuree nd, the situation at the instituted id not calm down. According to other students,S afilyh imself acted aggressively (see "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 10,1 962, 4, 20,2 3, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500) and was ultimatelye xpelled from the collegef or this;s ee "3. Lehrgang -September 1961 -März 1963",n .d ., 2, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/439.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungdes Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 3, 1962, 19,SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500  "Einschätzung",n .d ., 3, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500. In order to pacify the protestatthe institute and at the sametime prevent the "formation of the committee as an official organ",which could potentiallyinfluence "internal affairs" and act as "appointed political representation",⁹⁵ the institute'sdirectorate around Heinz Deutschland decided to taketwo steps. First,it attempted to socially "isolate" the most prominent protesters.⁹⁶ These included the delegations from Ghana and Nigeria, which had advocatedf or ac ollective refusal to takepart in regular classes the dayfollowing the boycott of the excursion, but werenolonger able to mobilize the majority of the course participants. Clearly, proven forms of struggle from work experience as trade unionists were used by the studentsi nt he dispute. They called their actions a "strike" and claimed that the institute directors were "capitalists",w hile theyt hemselves wereo ppressed "workers".⁹⁷ The isolation of the main actors of the protestwas supposed to happen primarilyi nc lass by the teachers;e very "attempt at further political provocation" would be criticized "sharplya nd unequivocally".⁹⁸ This is related to the second measure adopted, namely the launchofa"comprehensive political offensive" in the course, whereby thosed eemed "the good forces" by the institute'sd irectorate, essentiallyalarge majority of the course without ac lear position, would have their "back" strengthened in order to "assure their solidarity and support".⁹⁹ To this end, the institute'sdirectorate also decided to strengthen "cultural activities" with regard to the leisure time of the course participants.¹⁰⁰ Last but not least,itplanned to convene another meetingofthe Council of Heads of Delegation, in order to prevent informal meetings of studentswhich weredescribed as "illegal".¹⁰¹ But it wasa lso al arge numbero ft he studentst hemselvesw ho wanted to prevent further escalation of the committee dispute. Several representativesthereforewenttoone of the twodeputy directors of the institute, Gerhard Hans, for ad iscussion in which they described the racist incidents they had experienced as one of the main reasons for their protest.This discussion, in which  Ibid., 1-2.  Ibid., 5.  "Einschätzung",n .d., 3, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  Ibid., 5.  Ibid.  Ibid. This decision was also taken to prevent the West Berlin visits alreadycriticizedatthis time, which were considered abad influence;for the possibilities of visits to West Berlin see Harisch, "'Mit gewerkschaftlichemG ruß!'," 97.  "Einschätzung",n .d ., 5, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.

4A gency and Its Limits
the studentsp resent called for am eeting,a lsor esulted in further unscheduled council meetings.¹⁰²

The Triumph of Dogma
The meeting which was thus convened,a nd which lasted for at otal of nine hours, clearlyh ad the character of ad ebate. In addition to two representatives of the FDGB executive,Karl Kampfert,director of the whole FDGB collegeinBernau, was present for the first time. With one exception, all heads of delegation attended the council meeting.¹⁰³ Most of the meeting was devoted to finding acompromise on the committee question and discussing racist incidentsa tt he college. Rolf Deubner,a so ne of the FDGB'se xecutive representatives, made ac lear separation between ap olitical and acultural sphere. He confirmed on the one hand the view that "political activity in the GDR" was not possiblefor the students; afterall, this contradicted the "principles of proletarian internationalism",which alsoincluded "non-interferencei nt he internal affairs of tradeu nion organisations".¹⁰⁴ On the other hand, he announcedthat the FDGB wasnow quite willing to support acommittee with regardtopossible events -as long as it onlyfacilitated "culturallife".¹⁰⁵ Subsequently,h ea nswered the requests of some students and, as representative of the FDGBe xecutive,t ook as tand on the various accusations of racism.¹⁰⁶ He explainedt hat "of course there are still numerous petty bourgeois people"-singlingo ut people with their own small businesses and thus in possession of privatep roperty-"who are afflicted with the idea of the capitalist era".¹⁰⁷ Accordingt ot he ruling SED'ss tate doctrine, this population group was regarded as the manipulated mass basis which had historicallyg iven rise  "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 10,1 962, 13,S APMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  The Congolese student Safilyw as onlyinvited as "observer" and no longer as head of delegation; see Ibid., 8.  Ibid., 2.  Ibid., 2-3.  One week earlier,despiteanurgent request to address this issue, the institute'sdirectorate had still ignored the complaint of the Moroccan representative about an assaulti nt he urban area of Bernau -at least the pedantic protocols allow this evaluation; see "Protokoll über die Sitzungd es Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 10,1962, 1, SAPMO-BArch, DY 79/2500.  "Protokoll über die Sitzungdes Rates der Delegationsleiter",A pril 10,1962, 2, 24,S APMO-BArch, DY 79/2500. to fascism.¹⁰⁸ Deubnerm ade them responsible for the existing racism in ortho-doxMarxist fashion; they still had to be educated in the socialist sense to abandon their racist worldview.¹⁰⁹ In doing so, he admittedthe existence of racism in the GDR,but externalized it to as ocial group that was not yets ocialist enough. The heads of delegation then described theiro wn experiences at the collegei na na ttempt to explain that racism had become ag eneral problem of everydayl ife. The Cameroonian LucB issayt ried to make his East German colleagues aware of this fundamental problem. They "should for once take our black skin, our hair" and would then "realize what problems are still open,w hat educational work stillh as to be done".¹¹⁰ In the further course of the meeting, the East German representativesinsisted on their one-dimensional economist analysis of racism. Nevertheless, in response to these reports and requests,K ampfert and Deubner promised to hold talks with conspicuous employees and students.¹¹¹ "German colleagues" acting in ad iscriminatory wayh ave "no place at the school",t hey argued.¹¹² The East German announcements in this council meeting,which ultimatelyconcluded the conflict,werearesulto ft he protest practices of the African trade unionists studyingi nB ernau. They first made it possiblet oa ddress racist incidents, and alsoa chievedp artial success with other demands, even if the constitution of aA fro-Asian committee was not initiated. This is illustrated by the measures announced by Heinz Deutschland as head of the institute. He reaffirmed the active participation in council meetings, which had been promised at the start of the whole conflict,a nd distributed ad iscussion paper containings uggestions for "improvingcultural work and student care".¹¹³ Amongst other things, this included students "reportingo nt heir countries" once am onth, in alphabetical order.¹¹⁴ Furthermore, the institute'sdirectorate proposed to increase the number of excursions, such as "sightseeing and theatre trips",and announcedthe establishmento faclub room explicitlyi ntended for the participantso ft he courses, which was also intended for political discussions amongst one another.¹¹⁵ Contact with the East German population-generallys upervised with East German workers of certain selectedw orkers' brigades-wasa lso to be strengthened from now on.¹¹⁶ Just like at the beginning of the conflict, the institute'sdirectorate carefullyt ook up politically justifiable aspects of student demands without allowing independent student initiativest ob ec reated; yet, subordination to the political control of the East German confederation of trade unions had to be maintained.
In the comments on the offers made by FDGB board member Deubner,one can see that despite all the disciplinary motivesthe imagination of aprogressive -or even revolutionary -role of African trade unionists also determinedthe actions of their East German colleagues. AccordingtoDeubner, the "friends" from Africa "also belonged to the vanguard of the workingclass",which, accordingto the Leninist credo, stood for the "future" of their homelands.¹¹⁷ It wast herefore essentialt hat trade unionists informe ach other "mutually" about their "countries", "cultures",and their respective "workingclasses" by means of the proposals submitted.¹¹⁸ It can be assumed that this political assessment of the visiting studentsw as also ac entral aspect for the East German hosts' approach, which was by no meansp unitive and repressive,b ut always aimeda tc loser political integration.

Conclusion
The results and the course of the conflict at the BernauInstitute for Foreign Students illustrate thatAfrican tradeunionists werebothseen as revolutionary subjects of Africa and treated as objects of constant paternalism. Their treatment as well as their political classification in East Germanyr esulted from the Leninist conception of avanguard, in the shape of aleadingparty as the motor of social progress,u pon which the GDR'sp ower structure rested. Therefore, practices of all social milieus and groups werec onstantlys ubjectt ot he "reservations of an elitist vanguard and its representatives"¹²² as well as the "authoritarian-paternalistic social structure"¹²³ of the state-socialist one-party system.
This alsoa pplied to the African trade unionists, with their specific cadre training and their supposed vanguardist position during their temporary stay in Bernau. As one of the social groups with an ascribed special historical role on the path to world socialism, the national trade union federation FDGB, acting as the transmission belt of the SED,attempted to politicallybind the course participants to this doctrine, the supposed universal validity of which layi nthe "historicalv iolence"¹²⁴ of the successful October Revolution. This motive for praxis illustrates the non-acceptance of anya utonomous organizations beyond state-supporting structures,s ince these could have seen independent develop-ments, enablingp olitical dissidence or oppositional attitudes.I ti si mportantt o note that in the conflict analyzed here, thoser esponsible in East Germanyd id not opt for repressive measures but for an even more intensive political integration thati ncorporated selectedd emands. However,t his decision was not only based on the special position of the African trade union students, but alsoo n their ability to make use of the unstable foreign policy situation of the GDR, thereby highlighting ap articularlyf ragile aspect of the political control they faced. Nevertheless, the majority of the Africans studying in Bernaur ecognized the role of the East German trade unionists as esteemed¹²⁵ providers of "political ideas"¹²⁶ and as profound expertso fs ocialism as an exemplary developmental model, even if aconsiderable part favoredalternatives such as apan-African-influenced socialism.¹²⁷ This alsop oints to the reproductive character of the protests. Not onlyd id the concessions obtainedh elp the students to interact and communicate, they also expanded the institute'sd irectorate course repertoire. It used these new structures for propagandistic work, for example to spread the imageofanimperial West Germany, which certainlyd id not convince all course participants.¹²⁸ They treated these new possibilitiesasanother option for teachingMarxism-Leninism and ensuring af ollowing in opposition to the inner-German opponent in the West.Lastbut not least,the protests shown here wereanimportant step for the further establishment of studies for foreignersa tt he FDGB college, which 4,400 trade unionists, especiallyf rom the Global South,¹²⁹ made use of until the end of the GDR.