Linguistic change and social transformation

This chapter investigates the spread of tuteo in a period of constant innovations which broke with hitherto apparently invulnerable social conventions. This spirit of innovation emerged at a particular moment in Spain’s social and political history which was marked by far-reaching social upheavals: the Restoration (1875–1931), the Second Republic (1931–1936) and the Civil War (1936– 1939). An analysis of an extensive corpus of private letters written between 1875 and 1939, expressing relations of friendship and affection, shows when and how changes occurred in the parameters of power and solidarity in dealings between interlocutors from the same social group and generation.


Introduction
This chapter deals with the spread of tuteo, a wholesale linguistic change which affects the Spanish language's grammatical structure and gives linguistic codification to interpersonal relations. Tuteo is defined as the use of informal second person pronouns, e.g. tú, instead of polite pronouns, e.g. usted. Throughout the 20th century Spain stood out in the Hispanic world as a particularly innovative community in its use of pronouns to express politeness. This spirit of innovation emerged at a particular moment in Spain's social and political history which was marked by far-reaching social upheavals: the Restoration (1875Restoration ( -1931, the Second Republic (1931)(1932)(1933)(1934)(1935)(1936), and the Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939). The evolution of tú is explored during a historical period rife with innovations which broke with previous traditions.
Given such a complex period of change, the analysis follows the chronological order of the political and social events that had an impact on the pronoun system. The spread of innovation is considered over three distinct periods of Spanish history, in the course of which tuteo became the predominant form of address used in family relations and between friends and acquaintances of the same social status. These periods are: -1800-1860: young aristocrats in Madrid initiated the expansion of tuteo (García Godoy 2008, 2010Calderón 2010). The pronoun of solidarity, used first in family address among the upper classes, had spread to the middle classes by the middle of the 19th century. -1860-1930: the innovation spread across society at large, driven by the lower classes and by the intellectuals of the age, or "institutionists". -1930-1940: the decade's political events -the Second Republic (1931)(1932)(1933)(1934)(1935)(1936) and the Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939)) -led to the definitive consolidation of the pronoun of solidarity in Spanish society.
In order to trace the evolution of this innovation in the society of the time, an extensive corpus of private letters written between 1875 and 1940 has been analysed. All the letters that express relations of friendship and affection show how and when the perception of power and solidarity in the relationships between interlocutors of the same social group and the same generation began to change.
The evolving uses of pronouns among the lower classes are studied with the aid of a corpus containing letters from Asturians (López Álvarez 2000;Martínez Martín 2010) and Galicians (Soutelo 2003) who departed for the Americas as economic emigrants in the second half of the 19th century and the early decades of the 20th century. This collection of letters makes it clear how mutual use of tuteo developed over a lengthy period of time and makes it possible to explore how personal changes were being transformed at the start of the last century.
Secondly, the corpus reveals patterns of use among the better educated, the products of the movement of social renewal triggered by Spain's Free Educational Institutions of the period and their promoters, the "institutionists". Such letters are more easily available given the political and social prominence of their authors. The present study reviews the correspondence between a selection of interrelated intellectuals (Altolaguirre 2005;Anderson & Maurer 1997;Castillejo 1999;Cortés & García Perales 2009;Menéndez y Pelayo & Leopoldo Alas 1943).
The pattern of innovation traced in this study comes to a climax in the 1930s, the decade of the Second Republic and the Civil War. Most recent research into this period has uncovered important collections of letters written by Republican (Hinojosa 2009;Matthews 2015;Sierra 2008) and Francoist (Ramón & Ortiz 2003) soldiers during the war, as well as by the Republican prisoners (Fonseca 2014;Martínez Aguirre 2014;Sierra 2003) who would fill Spain's prisons from the outset of the Franco dictatorship. The analysis of these letters from the 1930s yields important evidence about linguistic change in Spain during the period.
In short, the aim of what follows is to reconstruct the historical context that enabled the spread of tuteo: the social conditions which facilitated it, the means by which it was propagated through the social fabric of Spain at the time, and the confluence of interests between different social sectors which encouraged the evolution of the system of solidarity.
2 1800-1860: the development of tuteo in the 19th century, a linguistic change from above Available data (García Godoy 2008Godoy , 2010Calderón Campos 2010) about the appearance of tuteo in horizontal relations, that is, between equals, situates this pronominal change in aristocratic circles of the early 19th century. With a view to making the analysis clearer, we separate the spread of tuteo in the family from its spread in horizontal relations between friends and acquaintances. Tuteo as addressed to one or other of these two groups had different social consequences which need to be viewed as catalysts of its diffusion in Spain in the early decades of the 20th century. The tuteo of parents by offspring in place of a previous non-reciprocal ustedeo,1 was the most significant change in the pronominal system in the early 19th century; by the end of the century the use of tú in imitation of high society was starting to be widespread among the younger generations of the middle class: Addressing parents as tú was a distinguishing feature of high society. This glamorous formula began to become more widespread in Restoration Spain, when the new pattern starts to be the preferred form among Madrid's urban, middle-class young people, who were under 20 in 1890. (García Godoy 2010: 603) According to García Godoy (2010: 613), "the new elocutional pattern amounts to a change from above, initiated by the aristocratic classes and imitated intentionally by the affluent upper-middle classes". Women "under 35 from the middle and upper levels of the urban bourgeoisie" were responsible for the change and the epicentre of the innovation was Madrid, which was more advanced than Andalusia, where modes of address were slower to develop than in the cities. As for relations outside the family between friends and acqaintances from the same social class, it was the younger generation with high economic status and aristocratic tastes -the so-called pollería 'gathering of young people, chickens' -which made tuteo fashionable. García Godoy (2008: 44)  García Godoy concludes her explanation by also highlighting the role of women as prime movers of the innovation, as may be deduced from the courtesy manuals which "reprove the fashion for tuteo in Restoration Spain, and point to young upper-class women as the main exponents of the change" (García Godoy 2008: 46). Mutual tuteo (T ←→ T) among the upper classes implied class solidarity and peer complicity, while also marking a separation from the rest of society, with which the old assymetrical system of hierarchical address was maintained: V (usted(es)) for the superior, T (tú/vosotros) for the inferior.

↓ ↑ T
The familiar and the aristocratic forms of tuteo were motivated by different social conditioning factors. The family was the basic unit of society which presupposed ties of solidarity. However, this solidarity was projected onto a hierarchical structure which only admitted the innovation gradually: tuteo first began to be used among relatives of the same generation (siblings, cousins, siblings-in-law), while the tuteo of parents by young aristocrats became fashionable later. By promoting affection over respect, the relations between parents and children were transformed in a way that created a space for affective proximity in pre-existing relationships of solidarity, but without eliminating any social barriers.

1860-1930: urban development, modernity and political evolution
The new century ushered in an acceleration in the transformation of 19th-century modes of address. This was a reflection of social changes: migrations from the country to the towns and cities, a fall in illiteracy rates, a second phase of industrialisation, the growth of the third sector in the economy, the consolidation of political parties and trade unions representing the masses, and the rise in living standards (Otero 2015: 18). This social development was founded on the metropolitisation of cities such as Madrid, Barcelona and Bilbao. The steps towards modernity taken by Madrid in the 1930s led to levels of progress comparable to those of other European capitals of the age. Spatial expansion and demographic growth altered the period's economic, political, social and cultural coordinates and fostered the emergence of the new urban middle classes composed of professionals, tradesmen, salaried and qualified workers whose standards of living, habits of consumption and leisure, system of values and social practices signalled the arrival of modernity. The new century saw how the parties of the masses came to take centre stage (Otero 2015: 16).

Tuteo popular: a change from below. The letters of Asturian and Galician emigrants
In order to identify the use of pronouns among the lower classes, we have analysed three corpora of letters written by Asturian and Galician emigrants to America, where they hoped to improve their economic condition. The letters written by the Asturian emigrants and contained in two letter collections span a broad period of time: the letters of the first collection were written between 1863-1936(Martínez Martín 2010, and those of the second between 1864-1925(López Álvarez 2000. For their part, the corpus of letters written by Galician emigrants covers only the decade of the 1930s (Soutelo Vázquez 2003). From the three collections a total of 105 letters involving 210 different interlocutors have been analysed. The letters studied still retain a traditional letter structure, with fixed greetings (mi estimado amigo, mi buen amigo, queridos padres 'my dear friend, my good friend, dear parents' and farewells). The greetings are always followed by a paragraph enquiring after the health of the interlocutor or relative by means of conventional formulas, as illustrated in examples (1) to (9).
(1) [tuteo] Estimado hermano: desearé que al recibo de ésta te encuentres con saluz [sic] Table 1 shows that in 73% of the letters studied the emigrants used tuteo, whereas 27% used usted: this means that between the later 19th and the early 20th centuries, tuteo was firmly established among this social grouping in horizontal relationships between siblings, cousins or brothers/sisters-in-law, as well as in the egalitarian address between friends, partners and acquaintances of both sexes. The emigrants' correspondence reveals how intensively tuteo was propagated in relations between equals. The bulk of the correspondence written between 1860 and 1900 was between relatives, but some was also addressed to friends, which demonstrates that tuteo was already habitual in horizontal non-family relationships (21 instances of tú against three of usted). In contrast, for addressing parents or other members of the family in a position of hierarchical superiority (aunts and uncles, grandparents), it was only later that tuteo came to be employed (22 instances of usted and only two of tú), and this was usually after tuteo had defined the egalitarian address between friends and acquaintances. It was, therefore, frequent for Asturian emigrants to use tuteo to address their friends, while continuing to favour usted for fathers, mothers and grandparents. Except for parents addressing offspring or acquaintances, in all the cases reflected in the table the two pronouns tú and usted co-exist side by side. This alternation between two forms as co-variants when addressing the same type of interlocutor indicates a change in progress from below where tuteo, present in 73% of the letters analysed, has taken over as the first-choice option.

The Free Educational Institution (FEI) and the reformist project of the Second Republic: The Silver Age of Spanish science and culture
In the vanguard of these currents of renewal, the so-called "institutionists" played a key role in the social transformation which characterised turn-of-thecentury Spain. Since the foundation in 1876 of the Free Educational Institution (Institución Libre de Enseñanza), and until its demise in 1936, intellectuals on the national political scene took up the cause of liberal and progressive ideals. With the freedom of education and science as its banner, the FEI inspired moves to open the university to society (Moreno & Martínez 2012, I: 18-19). For the institutionists, if the breach separating Spain from the most advanced European nations was to be closed, the education system had to be reformed, an opinion that was to become part of the creed of the reformist intelligentsia during the first three decades of the 20th century (Otero 2014).
In harmony with institutionist principles, in 1907 the Junta de Ampliación de Estudios 'Council for Advanced Studies' came into being, the brainchild of Francisco Giner de los Ríos, whose goal was to modernise education and scientific research in Spain (Otero 2014).4 The leading scientists of the age were asso-ciated with the Council while at the same time holding university chairs, most of them in the Central University of Madrid. A generation of young researchers was nurtured around them, researchers who had been trained abroad thanks to the grants scheme before joining scientific institutions. With the proclamation of the Second Republic in April 1931, the Council's activities were given a new boost and university access was opened to the newly emergent middle classes.
The forging of this alliance between science and politics during the Second Republic permitted the development of the schemes to renew education which the Free Educational Institution and the reformist sectors had been campaigning for since the turn of the century. If the nation, whose illiteracy rates were high, was to be regenerated, its education had to be revamped and universalised (Otero 2015: 33, 35). The Council's achievements during the barely thirty years of its brief existence amounted to a genuine Silver Age of Spanish science, the fulfilment of a dream which, like the modernising project as a whole, would be cut short by the Civil War.

The usted of the institutionists (first generation)
The forms of address favoured by the institutionists, an educated bourgeoisie composed of leading social, political or cultural figures, may be determined by reviewing countless letter collections. For our study we selected the correspondence between 33 interlocutors belonging to the social circle of the institutionists (Altolaguirre 2005;Anderson & Maurer 1997;Castillejo 1999; Cortés y García Perales 2009).
The first generation of institutionists includes intellectuals such as Giner de los Ríos, Ramón y Cajal, Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Manuel Bartolomé Cossio, Juan Ramón Jiménez, Antonio Machado, Américo Castro, María de Maeztu, Navarro Tomás, Ortega y Gasset among many others. They were the teachers of the second generation , who had already received training under the modernising aegis of the Council for Advanced Studies.
In their correspondence, the intellectuals born before 1890 preserve usted despite the affectionate relations that may often be read into their letters. This is because for the generation of Menéndez Pidal and Antonio Machado forms of politeness and respect were too deeply rooted in their conception of personal relationships. It is striking that even Américo Castro, Juan Ramón Jiménez, María de Maeztu or Navarro Tomás, all of whom were in their forties and therefore relatively young at the start of the Second Republic, never depart from using usted to address colleagues or friends, regardless of their ages, as can be seen in examples (10 to (18).

(10) [usted]
Sr. D. Leopoldo Alas/Mi querido amigo: Perdone Vd. que hasta hoy haya dilatado el contestar a su muy grata, pero de fijo me ha de disculpar usted si recuerda las mil molestias y pesadeces de esta vida que llaman política, a la cual mis pecados me han traído, aunque sea por accidente In turn, and in reciprocation, in this generation the senders are always addressed as usted by all their interlocutors, regardless of status, age or gender.
The nominal forms employed in letters also kept a respectful distance: señor don + NP and surname (Sr. Don Ramón Menéndez Pidal; Sr. D. Miguel de Unamuno); don + NP (Querido D. Ramón); surname (Querido Alonso; Querido Cossío). The usted address in the letters was established from the outset of the relationship and remains unchanged thereafter. It comes as something of a surprise to see how these intellectuals, many of whom lived well into their nineties and wrote hundreds of letters, preserved the 19th-century system of address throughout the 20th century. An analysis of this group's letters provides evidence of a generational gap separating those born between 1860 and 1890 (first generation), and their disciples, born around the turn of the century, between 1890 and 1910 (second generation). In relations with their peers, the first generation institutionists always addressed their interlocutors as usted, regardless of age or sex (see Table 2). This respectful form of address was unaltered by the degree of personal affection;   rather, it was the custom to address teacher, disciple, colleague, acquaintance and friend as usted. In this generation, the pronouns used in address show no variation: quite categorically, usted is the form to be employed, which leads to the conclusion that the intellectuals of the 19th century never adapted to the change in egalitarian, non-family relations.

Spread of tuteo popular among institutionists (second generation)
This second group of institutionists also comprised some of the leading scientists, thinkers, writers, teachers, artists or philologists of the period, such as Dámaso Alonso, Gerardo Diego, Jorge Guillén, Rafael Lapesa, Federico García Lorca, Miguel Hernández, María Zambrano, Rafael Alberti, Lorenzo Rodríguez Castellano, Aurelio M. Espinosa, Vicente Aleixandre, Amado Alonso and many others. It is a generation which came of age under the Second Republic: in 1930 its members were all aged between twenty and thirty, while in the same year the ages of their mentors, the instituionists of the first generation, ranged from 40 to 70. Table 3 shows the names of some representants of this second generation whose letters have been analysed.  While the letter collections offer a conservative picture of the 19th-century institutionists, with the new century the convergence of cultural elites and lower classes became increasingly evident: the generation that enrolled in Madrid's university in the 1920s and 1930s adopted tuteo to address companions, colleagues, friends and acquaintances of the same age and of both sexes. Some of the period's major figures offer testimony to the new uses. Lapesa (1996: 357) explains how, in the early 20th century: En el trato familiar se había aflojado ya la respetuosa rigidez en la relación entre padres e hijos: el galicismo papá y mamá y el tuteo entre padres e hijos se habían generalizado en los estratos sociales alto y medio, mientras el padre y madre y el usted, ustedes de hijos a progenitores se mantenían en los ambientes populares y rústicos […]. El tratamiento recíproco de usted entre jóvenes fue disminuyendo: si en 1923-1925 podía darse todavía entre varones compañeros de estudios o de oficina, en los años treinta el tuteo se había impuesto incluso entre ambos sexos. (Lapesa 1996: 357) 'Address within the family had by now loosened the relationship of stiff respect between parents and offspring: the gallicisms papá and mamá and tuteo between parents and offspring had spread throughout the middle and upper social strata, while the use of padre and madre and usted or ustedes between offspring and parents was retained in lower and rural spheres […] The reciprocal use of usted between young people was in decline: if between 1923-1925 it could still be heard among male fellow students and officeworkers, by the 1930s tuteo had won the day even between members of both sexes.' Those born around the turn of the century continued to use usted to address colleagues, acquaintances and friends from the previous generation (V←→V), but had already adopted tuteo for friends and acquaintances of their own age or younger (T←→T). The nominal forms in their letters exhibit the same pattern of reciprocal respect towards elders but of solidarity with members of their own generation. When addressing their seniors, the younger institutionists used such formulas of respect such as: don + NP (don Ramón); señor 'Mr' + surname (e.g. Sr. Navarro); distinguido profesor 'distinguished professor'; muy distinguido señor mío 'my most distinguished Sir'. In contrast, they used surname or forename to address those of the same age or younger. And this is due precisely to the second generation, students at Madrid's Central University in the 1920s and 1930s where they were educated based on Krausist5 ideals which combined quality training with social awareness. For they set the seal on tuteo popular which was being propagated by the lower classes. When using tuteo amongst themselves, the young university students were not trying to emulate the fashion of the young 19th-century aristocrats, but were adopting the form of address that had taken root among the lower classes whose interests the enlightened bourgeoisie had made their own. By adopting tuteo in this way, the intellectuals were instrumental in the final dismantling of the 19th-century system of address; for in the first three decades of the 20th century, Spain underwent root and branch social transformation, whose catalysts included a Republic and a Civil War. Before the war, Dámaso Alonso recalled how tuteo between peers -whether in age, gender or social class -had caught on in the university classrooms of the 1920s: This process accelerated throughout the 1920s, was propagated across society under the Second Republic, and was consolidated during the war. The young institutionists adopted tuteo popular with enthusiasm, but only when addressing other young people. When addressing their seniors or teachers, with whom they were often united in friendship or by father-son relationships, they still preserved reciprocal usted, which the former insisted on in all non-family relations.
Examples (19) to (21)  In what amounts to a radical break from the previous generation, the younger institutionists show no variance in the forms they use. In the letters exchanged between friends and colleagues from their own generation, tuteo is reciprocal and systematic: (T←→T), as examples (22)  Far from abrupt, this generational change from usted to the categorical use of tuteo was a gradual process. The seeds of social change had been sown in the second half of the 19th century and came to bear fruit among the generations born around the turn of the century, before finally spreading among the educated republican classes between 1920 and 1930. Testimony from the likes of Rafael Lapesa or his contemporaries Zamora Vicente and Dámaso Alonso is emphatic that it was during this period that a system of address in harmony with the progressive tendencies of the period caught on quite visibly in Madrid society. From the opening decades of the century until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1936, Madrid was the epicentre of a democratising sociolinguistic change which enjoyed the backing of university students, intellectuals, thinkers and artists who had been trained in republican ideals and converged in Madrid at a time of great social and political ferment.
provides an eyewitness's explanation of the spread of tuteo on the coattails of new political tendencies: Bien es verdad que la extensión del tú no es cosa de la última hornada, pues cundió en el decenio 1930-1940 con la camaradería reglamentaria en partidos políticos de diverso signo, y se afianzó con la sacudida de la guerra. (Lapesa 1996a: 407) 'True enough, the spread of tú was not the work of the latest generation alone; rather it took root in the decade 1930-1940 and its regulatory camaraderie in political parties of diverse hues, and it was consolidated in the cataclysm of war.' Social change found its reflection in a wholesale overhaul of customs that had traditionally served to underscore class difference: dress, language, manners and even headwear underwent substantial modifications. Lapesa (1996a: 363) recalls how in films of the period, the poets of the '27 generation doffed their hats in greeting until sinsombrerismo -the vogue for not wearing hats at all -"[e]mpezó entre la juventud y en el desahogo veraniego, pero cundió rápidamente según fueron llegando la amenaza y la efectividad de la guerra incivil". 6 Sinsombrerismo signified the prosperous classes' renunciation of wearing hats, a fashion that had traditionally distinguished them from the lower classes. When there are substantial changes in the political system, above all if they are of a revolutionary nature, the linguistic repercussions fail to penetrate into the structure of the language, although they may be reflected in the lexicon.7 During the Spanish Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939), everything was in tumult and people's fates hung in the balance until the conclusion of the conflict. The cities like Madrid, Barcelona or Valencia that remained in the Republican zone were for a time under the spell of a classless society, which proved the ideal context for the spread of egalitarian forms of address. In such circumstances, the way people related to each other underwent drastic, albeit ephemeral, changes, which would not become consolidated once the totalitarian regime had been installed in Spain at the end of the war. These passing changes were commented upon by eyewitnesses to them. Passing through Barcelona, Orwell in Homage to Catalonia, which was first published in 1938, made express mention of the disappearance of formal expressions of address as well as of other aspects related to alterations to personal appearance and social behaviour as a result of the war: 6 'started among the young during carefree summers but gathered pace with the threat of the uncivil war and then the war itself' 7 Various studies have investigated in depth the change in nominal forms of address during this period. Cf. Fernández Lagunilla (1985) and García Santos (1980). Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily disappeared. Nobody said Señor or Don or even Usted; everyone called everyone else comrade and Thou, and said Salud! instead of Buenos días […] When I first reached Barcelona I had thought it a town where class distinctions and great differences of wealth hardly existed. Certainly that was what it looked like. Smart clothes were an abnormality, nobody cringed or took tips, waiters and flower-women and bootblacks looked you in the eye and called you comrade. (Orwell 1938: 48;cf. Rodríguez González 1989: 236) Orwell perceived a similar state of affairs on the Aragon front: In the strip of Aragon controlled by Anarchist and P.O.U.M.8 troops, the same conditions persisted, at least outwardly. The revolutionary atmosphere remained as I had first known it. General and private, peasant and militiaman, still met as equals; everyone drew the same pay, wore the same clothes, ate the same food, and called everyone else thou and comrade; there was no boss-class, no menial-class, no beggars, no prostitutes, no boot-licking, no cap-touching. I was breathing the air of equality, and I was simple enough to imagine that it existed all over Spain. (Orwell 1938: 103) As But as fast as the changes had spread, so they were reversed months later as one defeat on the battlefield followed another: The "revolutionary" forms of speech were dropping out of use. Strangers seldom addressed you as tú and camarada nowadays; it was usually señor and usted. Buenos días was beginning to replace salud. (Orwell 1938: 48)

Letters from the trenches
The analysis of letters written from the front during the Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939) is particularly fruitful when gauging the extent of tuteo popular. This corpus of letters corresponds in part to Republican soldiers writing from different fronts. The largest group of letters is from the Extremadura front, but other letter collections from the Avila, Ebro, Alicante and other fronts have also been examined.
Where known, and frequently they are not, the origins of the soldiers are completely heterogeneous.
In addition to the letters written by Republican soldiers, we have also reviewed a corpus of letters written by Francoist troops to their madrinas de Guerra 'war godmothers', a practice that was widespread on the Francoist front as a means to keeping the combatants' morale high. The significance of this collection is twofold: on the one hand, it allows cross-checking to determine whether there were ideologically conditioned differences in the use of tuteo. On the other hand, it reflects address outside family relationships and in the sphere of communication between men and women who were at first unknown to each other, then became acquaintances and sometimes even friends, that is to say, in the sphere of egalitarian relations between people of the same generation. Examples (25) to (29) illustrate the letters from soldiers on the front.

(25) [tuteo]
Nena, me dices en la tuya que no me enfade porque no me pongas besos ni abrazos en las cartas porque te da mucha vergüenza de poner eso en las cartas, pues te digo que a mí me gusta y quiero que me los pongas. (Miguel Romero to Pepa Lozano)9 'Babe, in your letter you tell me not to be angry if you don't put kisses or hugs in your letters because you find it embarrassing to put them in your letters. But what I say is that I like it and I want you to put them.' Luis, en esta carta yo tengo que contarte algo y es que ya no soy herrador, que no quiero ganar la guerra poniendo clavos, pues he venido otra vez a la trinchera como soldado […] y de lo que me dices que no véis a las mujeres nada más que en los periódicos, pues yo te digo que yo al pueblo hace un mes que no bajo. (Efigenio Gallego to his friend Luis Martín, both from Don Benito (Badajoz), from the Extremadura front) 'Luis, I've got to tell you something in this letter, and the thing is I'm not a farrier, I don't want to win the war by hammering nails, but I'm back in the trenches as a soldier […] and as for what you tell me about not seeing women except in the newspapers, for my part, I haven't been down to the village in more than a month.'

(27) [tuteo]
Juan, me dices que te cuente algo de la familia, pues no te puedo decir más que a mi hermana Paca no le pagan la pensión que le pertenece de su marido muerto en campaña, a mi Ángeles no le pagan la pensión perteneciente a la mía y a mí tampoco me pagan lo que me pertenece de mi accidente.
(Antonio Vicente to his friend Juan Camacho Ferré, from the Avila front) 'Juan, you ask me to tell you something about the family, and all I can tell you is that they haven't paid my sister Paca the pension she's entitled to for her husband killed in action, they haven't paid my Angeles the pension she's entitled to for mine, and they haven't paid me what I'm entitled to for my accident.' 'José, right now the rebels' missiles are whistling and landing in my vegetable plot. Imagine how afraid we are.' The first great difference between the 19th-century emigrants' letters and those written by soldiers on the front is the change in register that characterises the soldiers' writing, which does without traditional letter structure and adopts an often colloquial tone lacking all formality. Tuteo was the dominant mode of address among the Republican soldiers: of the 62 letters, 54 use tuteo, while the remaining eight, six of which are addressed to parents, employ usted. Using tuteo for friends of either sex and even for acquaintances was the norm among these soldiers, and it was often accompanied with terms of endearment and colloquial words. It is significant that occasionally, and always between men, bad language is used, as illustrated in examples (30) and (31). This anticipates the trend towards colloquialism across Spanish society as a whole in the latter decades of the 20th century.

(30) [tuteo]
[…] Sobre lo de la comida las estamos pasando más que putas, ya que en Intendencia cada vez van desquitando la ración de carne […] (Letter from Juan Gri Rovira to Eduardo Valle (Mataró)) 'As for the food we're going through hell, as the quartermasters are always taking the meat ration from us […]' (31) [tuteo] también te digo que he recibido el pitillo que me has mandado pues por aquí jodíamente del tabaco, pues tú no sabes lo bien que me sentó cuando me lo estaba fumando, no hacía nada más que acordarme de ti en que si fumabas. (Letter from Germán, on the Teruel front, to his nephew Virgilio) 'I can also tell you that I received the fag you sent me, because cigarettes are few and bloody far between here, and you can't imagine how good it felt when I smoked it, all I could do was think about you and whether you were smoking' The collection of letters written by Francoist soldiers includes letters from 37 different authors addressed to the war godmothers. 31 of the letters reviewed were written during the Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939)  In the letters to war godmothers, tuteo is the most habitual form address used. The only difference is whether tuteo commences with the first letter, when both interlocutors are still completely unknown to each other, or from the second, when an agreement has been reached to start an epistolary relationship. Of the 37 soldiers comprising this part of the corpus, 29 (79%) start using tuteo from the very first letter despite not knowing their potential war godmother; in contrast, only 8 (21%) employ usted in their first letter, as in examples (37) and (38) Thus soldiers on both sides not only shared a new paradigm of pronominal address, but also similar dreams of equality, which were also countenanced in the ideology of the Spanish Phalange,12 expressed in example (39).

(39) [tuteo]
Simpática madrinita:/Aunque la lectura de tu carta ha sido un poco accidentada debido a que la mitad la he tenido que suspender para echarle una bronca al Furriel de la compañía, después cuando la he leido por segunda vez, la he asimilado y me ha alegrado mucho. Although the corpus of letters studied does not provide sufficient data for any categorical assertion, there seems to be a relationship between level of education and use of tuteo, for the soldiers who employed usted in their first letter were usually those who had received the least education. One extreme case of a barely educated letter writer is Manuel Fernández Barbosa, who adopts usted and whose multiple spelling mistakes impede any easy reading (example (40)).

Letters from prison
The last groups of letters analysed were written by republican prisoners, male and female, in Francoist prisons. These are mainly authorised letters exchanged between the prisoners and their families, although there are also some clandestine notes written in highly colloquial, lower class language, often with spelling mistakes, since this group of letters is characterised by the low educational level of their writers.14 Table 5 gives a summary of tú and usted use in this set of letters. Among the prisoners, tuteo is almost completely consolidated. Of the 33 letters produced by different writers, 32 employ tuteo against only one, addressed to a mother, using usted (examples (42) and (43)).
14 Prison correspondence also included the so-called letters of supplication written by the inmates of Francoist prisons from a position of subordination to the authorities responsible for their imprisonment and therefore not quantified in our study. In these letters usted is the only form of address used within a rigid formal structure where the nominal address is V.S. (Vuestra Señoría). 15 PCE: Spanish Communist Party. Mamá, el día 1 vienes con la madre de Loli. Darás muchos recuerdos a mis hermanos y sobrinos y a todos, y tú recibes lo que quieras de tu Juli, que no te olvida. Julia". "Mamá, ánimo y no llores, que tú has sido siempre muy fuerte, y no te vayas a poner mala". (Julia Conesa Conesa, aged 19 (Madrid), member of JSU16, one of the thirteen roses).
'Mama, come the 1st with Loli's mother. Please give my regards to my brothers, sisters and cousins, and to everybody, and for you, everything you could wish from your Julie, who never forgets you. Julia". "Mama, cheer up and don't cry, after all you've always been very strong, and you're not going to make yourself ill now".' In the clandestine notes, where the level of colloquialism and informality is greater, tuteo is once again the norm, as illustrated in examples (44)   Me dices lo mucho que sufres moralmente por mi y nuestra separacion tan larga y asi Paco mio sucede en mi, que es un continuo pensar y sufrir con el recuerdo constante de cuanto tu sufres y una separacion que se me hace inmensa […] 'You tell me how much you're suffering for me in your soul on account of our endless separation, and the same happens to me, Paco. I'm endlessly thinking and suffering at the constant recollection of how much you're suffering and this being apart which is overwhelming me'

Conclusion: the development of a linguistic change in the social structure
The letters studied have enabled us to reconstruct the socio-political context which facilitated the rise of tuteo in Spain around the turn of the century, to trace its spread through Spain's social fabric of the time and, in sociolinguistic terms, to determine which interests common to the different social sectors led to the development of an egalitarian system of pronoun use.
In the last few decades of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th, testimony from diverse sources demonstrates how tuteo in Spanish society began to spread beyond the family sphere and into relations between friends and acquaintances of either sex. The correspondence of the Galician and Asturian emigrants to America shows how from at least the second half of the 19th century the use of tuteo among the lower and fledgling middle classes had spread beyond family circles. Nonetheless, the shift towards tú for non-family relationships occurred before its consolidation as the term of address used for parents. The coexistence of tuteo for friends with usted for parents leads to the conclusion that in social terms relationships with friends were perceived as closer than those with parents, in relation to whom traditional hierarchies were preserved for much longer.
Once the linguistic change was set in train, its spread was simultaneously from below and from above. In the same period the new usage was propagated among society's lower classes (tuteo popular) and in the higher echelons (upper class tuteo) which had witnessed the evolution since the 19th century of egalitarian, non-hierarchical relationships with interlocutors from the same social group.
All this occurred at a time of far-reaching social, political, economic and cultural transformations which found expression in the growth of workers' organisations and the flowering of the institutionist spirit among leading sectors of the political class. The innovation was able to triumph because new actors emerged in the social fabric whose interests converged: the lower class, the new urban middle classes, and the cultural and political elites all shared an urge to modernise which found an outlet in the reformist project of the Second Republic. University students took up tuteo popular which was by then already widespread among the lower classes, whose interests were shared by the republican bourgeoisie. But that common ground was shared not only by the different social groups but also by ideological opponents, since both Phalangist doctrine and left-wing ideology advocated a political project of popular appeal which favoured an egalitarian conception of social relations. When intellectuals aligned themselves with the change from below in the early decades of the 20th century, the writing was on the wall for the 19th-century system of address.
This innovative development can be given, so to speak, names and surnames since it was the second generation of institutionists who gave the definitive push from above to a change which was being spread from below by the lower classes. Although this scenarios might imply an abrupt change, the process was in fact gradual. The seeds of social change which had been planted in the second half of the 19th century came to fruition among the generations born around the turn of the century and were propagated among the educated republican classes between 1920 and 1930; their correspondence is plain testimony to the abrupt consolidation of the change in its final stages.
During the Civil War, the markedly colloquial letters written by members of the lower classes show the fully consolidated use of tuteo in relationships between peers. In none of the letters written from the frontline or the prisons are friends addressed as usted. On the contrary, there is a marked tendency towards the "bad" language that was to impregnate everyday language in the second half of the 20th century.
Although the end of the war represented a turning point in the development of Spanish society, the letter collections show that there was no retreat in the use of tuteo, which in fact survived unchanged in egalitarian intragroup relations among the new generations born around the turn of the century. It may well be that this huge impulse given to the system of pronouns in the early 20th century is part of the explanation for today's differences between the Spanish system of address and its equivalents in Spanish-speaking America.