Scandinavian Sympathies and Nordic Unity: The Rhetoric of Scandinavianness in the Nineteenth Century

The history of “Nordic” and – in particular – “Scandinavian” as flexible and contested concepts may be traced back at least to the early nineteenth century. This history is strongly connected with competing national and pan-national projects within the Nordic region. This chapter seeks to explore the emergence and transformation of “Scandinavian” and the related and more widespread term “Nordic” as appealing and contested rhetorical concepts during the long nineteenth century. The pan-Scandinavian movement, it will be argued, played a key role in this development by stimulating a widespread rhetoric of “Nordicness” – or rather of “Scandinavianness” – in the 1840s, thus adding significant dimensions of meanings to these concepts.1 With the introduction of a range of new phrases with rhetorical power, such as “Scandinavian sympathies” and the “Scandinavian idea,” the usage of the term “Scandinavian” rose rapidly from the mid-nineteenth century onwards. An emergent public sphere and print culture, increasingly influenced by what was to be known as “Scandinavianism,” stimulated this tendency. Civil society initiatives further contributed to the development. A range of new pan-Scandinavian associations that termed themselves “Scandinavian” and later “Nordic” was established within as well as beyond the Scandinavian region.2 In mapping the usage of these terms, a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis, of distant and close readings is employed. Distant readings of Nordic newspaper corpora, from Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland respectively,3 gives a reasonable idea of key word frequencies and collocational re-

lationships -words that are frequentlyused in combination with the key words. By comparing the frequency of the terms "Nordic" and "Scandinavian" in newspapers in the Nordic countries during the nineteenth century (1790 -1900),made possiblethrough the significant amountofdigitized material available, some interesting patterns appear.Although the analysis will seek to identify and explore changes throughout the century,s ome periods will be of particular interest.
The emergence of aspecific pan-Scandinavian vocabulary and the rhetorical use of certain phrases basedo nt he adjectives "Scandinavian" and "Nordic" is evident from the mid-1840s. In order to understand the contested character of these notions, which is particularlyapparent in parts of the Norwegian national discourse, it is, however,n ecessary to examine the conceptual transformations of the previous period, especiallysince 1814. In the 1840s there was an interesting shift not onlyi nt he frequency but also -as close readingr eveals -in the meaning of the terms "Scandinavia" and "Scandinavian".F ollowing the 1840s, pan-Scandinavian rhetoric had al asting influencea nd around 1900,arenewed rhetoric of Scandinavianness emergedfollowed by arejection of related concepts in parts of the Swedish publics phere.⁴ In additiont om appingt he frequency duringt he century through key word searches,collocates earchingi se mployed in order to identifyand mapr elevant phrases.⁵ Certain phrases are significant and wereextensively used, especiallyin the period between the 1840s and the 1860s -including "Scandinavian sympathies." Close readings of additional relevant sources, such as pamphlets,books, journal and newspaper articles, are usedtoanalyse and place the main results in their relevant discursive and political contexts.
Afirst main point is that the term "Nordic" is older and more frequentlyused than "Scandinavian" until the first decades of the nineteenth century.⁶ Keyword searches of the digital newspaper corporainthe Scandinavian national libraries show that "Nordic" is used throughout the eighteenth century.⁷ There are only Sweden, tidningar.kb.se; DIGI-Nationalbibliotekets digitala samlingar, Finland, digi.kansalliskirjasto.fi.  Hemstad, FraI ndian summer,2 97-359.  Collocates earchingw as appliedo nt he text corpus at the National Library of Norwayi nc ooperation with Lars G. Johnsen at the Norwegian LanguageB ank at the NationalL ibrary.  In the Nordicn ewspaper databases,t he oldest reference to "Scandinavian" is in aD anish newspaper in 1781.F ull text searches for "skandinavisk*" and "scandinavisk*" in the comprehensive Norwegian book corpus at the National Library of Norwaya nd searches for the same words in titles in the national library catalogues in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark,s upport this result.  The use of "Nordic" and "Norden" in the eighteenth century often reflectedawide concept of the North that included Russia, Poland and Prussia. HenrietteK liemann-Geisinger, "Mapping few examples, however,of"Scandinavian" from the last part of the century.Several of them refer to the association Skandinavisk Literatur-Selskab( Scandinavian literary society), established 1796,and its journal SkandinaviskMuseum.⁸ The society aimed at promotingl iterary connections between the "Scandinavian realms" by facilitating closer contacts between Danish and Swedish intellectuals and improvingk nowledge of "Scandinavian literature"-an ew phrase at this time.
"Scandinavia" was originallyaLatin term, derivedf rom "Scania" in the south-eastern part of Sweden. Earlyexamples from the mid and late eighteenth century point towards agrowingawareness of Scandinavia as apotential cultural-political entity consistingo fD enmark, Norway, and Sweden.⁹ The use of the term also reflectedthe renewed interest in Old Norse culturea tthe time. "Scandinavia" and "the old Scandinavians" were terms usedtodescribet he areaa nd its inhabitants in the ancient era. Theset erms did not stem from Sagal iterature but from Greek and Roman sources, an aspect frequentlypointed out by nationally-minded Norwegian scholars arguing against the unhistoricaland "false" use of these terms by Danisha nd Swedish scholars.¹⁰ Norwegian newspapers and journals in the 1820sand 1830s regularlystated that "Scandinavian,""Scandinavians," and "Scandinavia" wererecent terms. "A Scandinavian is afresh new word," the newspaper Morgenbladet stated in 1829.¹¹ In 1835,itwas commented that "Scandinavia" had recentlybecame popular -in Denmark as acommon name for the three Nordic countries,and in Sweden as a common name for Norway and Sweden.¹² Twoy ears later,during aperiod of increased political tension between the two union partners Norwaya nd Sweden, another Norwegian newspaper criticized the widespread Swedish usageo fs uch "disgusting" terms as "Scandinavia,"" Scandinavians," and "Scandinavian" in books and maps.¹³ In 1839,a nother writer argued against Danish utilization of "the blurred and ambiguous terms 'Nordic' […]a nd the later invented favourite expressions 'Scandinavians,' Scandinavian" as common denominators for the three Nordic nations by those "who want to appropriate what belongstoNorwegian history only," hinting at Danishe fforts of appropriation of Old Norse heritage.¹⁴ The Norwegian wariness towardst he use of the adjective "Scandinavian" and the related terms "Scandinavians" and "Scandinavia," particularlyp rominent from the late 1830s, had at least twos ources. Twod ifferent notions of "Scandinavia" and "Scandinavians" werep ut forward during the first decades of the century,f rom Swedish and Danish agents respectively,c haracterized by aseemingly similar rhetoric. As aconsequence, the significanceofbeing "Scandinavian" changed remarkably. The transformation was part of the rhetorical struggle of what was to be understood more preciselya s" Scandinavian" and "Scandinavia." The following sections will concentrate on these two projects -aS wedishinitiated state-building program from abovea nd aD anish-drivenp an-national, nation-building project from below -and their rhetorical useso ft he concepts in question. The Norwegian nation-building project,inthe making since around 1814w as converselyd irected towards Danishc ulturala nd Swedish political dominance,while stressingt he principle of reciprocity.

The Swedish Scandinavian Rhetoric
Asecond main point regarding the history of "Scandinavian" as acontested concept in the nineteenth century is the significant shift in the use of the term, especially in Swedish newspapers,in1814. TheearlySwedish rhetoric of Scandinavianness exploded in 1814, reflectingt he establishment of the Swedish-Norwegian union that year.¹⁵ This rhetoric continued into the 1820sa nd 1830s.
Frequentlyu sed phrases were, in particular,t he "Scandinavian Peninsula" and the "Scandinavian realms" alongside "Scandinavian peoples" and "Scandinavian nations." The recurrent use of the term "Scandinavian" mirrored ad iscourse and aprintculturereflectingthe union, one wayoranother,aspart of agrowing Swedish public sphere.The term did not,however,refertothe wider Scandinavian region.¹⁶ The French Marshal Jean Bernadotte, who became Crown Prince Charles John in Sweden in 1810,was pivotali ni ntroducing "Scandinavia" and "Scandinavian" as rhetoricala nd geo-political terms after 1812.¹⁷ He made the older imperial Swedish vision of uniting Norwayw ith Sweden his ownp rimary goal. Based on the Treaty of 1812 with Russia,the policy of turning the Scandinavian Peninsula into aSwedish Scandinavian empire was ameanstoconsolidateSweden after the loss of Finland in 1809.
In Charles John'sv iew and in his rhetoric, "Scandinavia" was therefore delimited to include Sweden and Norwayexclusively.This meant to actively forget about Finland and exclude Denmark from the region. Both countries had been included in the definition of "Scandinavia" in Swedish textbooks as late as 1805.¹⁸ Bernadotte'sf avourite geopolitical concept was hence that of the "Scandinavian Peninsula," or "what maybetermedthe Scandinavian Peninsula",asit was framedi no ne of the key pamphlets distributed throughout Europe, written by August Wilhelm Schlegelincooperationwith Madame de Staël.¹⁹ The expression suggests that the term was not settled, an impression strengthened by the following Danish reactions,which underlined the neologistic aspect of the con- "Scandinavian," in Sweden at this time referredtothe Scandinavian peninsula. An example of this usage is the "Skandinavisk" in Sven Nilsson's SkandinaviskF auna:Enhandbokför jägare och zoologer. This publication,a mongo thers,contributed to the highp revalenceo f" Scandinavian" in the Swedish newspapers in 1820sa nd 1830s.I tw as first published in 1820 and had threevolumes,with additional publications of illustration charts,and was frequentlyadvertised in Swedish newspapers. In labellingand naming the new political union of 1814, Swedish authorities utilised both substantivation and adjectivation, introducing the terms "Scandinavia" and "Scandinavians" as common denominators to construct ac ommon identity within the union. Adjectives, it is emphasized, "applyacommon denominator to phenomena whose diversity is recognized; substantival labelling,o n the contrary,tends to do away with these differences."²¹ The Swedish "Scandinavia" was an alternative name for Sweden and Norway. "Scandinavians" were accordingly the inhabitants of "Scandinavia," i. e., Swedes and Norwegians.These terms werew idelyu sed in books, pamphlets, poems, in newspapers and journals, in geographical textbooks, statistics, encyclopaedias and maps,i no fficial proclamations and published speeches in Sweden.²² In one elementarytextbook in geographyf rom 1815, "Scandinavia" was even more narrowlyd efined, as "Sweden in abroad meaning"-meaning "Sweden proper" and Norway, as Daniel Djurbergw rites in Geographie för Begynnare.²³ Norwegians laterr eacted against this book and its "false" concepts.²⁴ However,D jurberg'st extbook was commonlyu sed in Swedish elementarys chools. This narrow definition was sometimesc ommented on in Swedishp ublications, acknowledging that "Scandinavia" usuallydenotes the three Nordic realms -Sweden, Denmark, and Norway -to provide balance to Swedish authors who had limited the meaning of the term to include onlyS weden and Norway.²⁵ In Norway, being forced into this new union with Sweden after leaving the dual monarchyw ith Denmarka fter 400 years, therew as, as has alreadyb een shown, aresistanceamong parts of the population to these definitions of "Scandinavia," and "Scandinavians." They wereinterpreted as Swedish rhetorical devices used in order to strengthen the common union, potentiallythreatening the traditionalterms "Norway" and "Norwegians".There was, it mayb ea rgued, an enduringawareness against what could be suspected of being Scandinavian imperialisticp lans -underd isguise of the rhetoric of Scandinavianness -be it from the side of Sweden or Denmark.
Between 1814a nd the early1 840s "Scandinavia" was,i nS weden -not in Norwayo rD enmark -usually usedi nanarrow sense, equivalent to the term the "Scandinavian Peninsula." The Danisha uthor Christian Molbech also notes in his travel book after av isit to Sweden that this was the common usagei nS weden until around 1840.²⁶ By 1848, however, "Scandinavia" was still defined in aSwedish encyclopaedia as an old name for Sweden and Norway, as an originallyL atin,h istoric-poetic denominationo ft hese two countries.²⁷ "Scandinavia" was never the name of ap olitical entity,i ti su nderlined. The existing union between Norwaya nd Sweden is, quite strikingly,n ot mentioned in this entry.
There was as ignificant increasei nt he frequency of the term in Swedish newspapers -following acommon Nordic pattern -in the 1840s, whenthe concept is broadened considerably.

The DanishS candinavian Rhetoric
In Denmark, as in Sweden and Norway, "Scandinavian" was usedtoanincreasing degreef rom the beginning of the nineteenth century, along with the traditional and more widespread use of "Nordic." However, "Scandinavia" and "Scandinavian" had ab roader meaning in Denmark and Norway compared to Sweden after 1814. As ar esulto fan ew orientation towards the neighbouring Scandinavian countries and their common ancient cultural heritage, from the late eighteenth century onwards,journals, books, pamphlets and poems, associations, meetings,and events wereusing "Scandinavian" as part of their name or title and gradually "Scandinavian" became awidespread adjective. The revival of

Scandinavian Sympathies and Nordic Unity
interest in Old Norse literature, manuscripts, and monuments contributed to illuminating an ancient common "Nordic" history and culturea nd at the same time stimulating national consciousness in Denmark, Norway, Sweden -and Iceland. While "Nordic" was the traditional, and usuallypreferred, term to describe Old Norse culture, indicating ab ackward-lookingc ulturalo rientation, "Scandinavian" more explicitlyincluded Sweden and Norwayand had, at least from the 1830s and 1840s, strongerp olitical connotations.I tr epresented ad istinct orientation northward as away of securing the ancient heritagef rom German appropriationo ft he Old Norse legacy.²⁸ An earlyexample of aD anish rhetoric of Nordicness was the dissemination of semi-official pamphlets in southern Sweden from 1808 to 1810,p ropagating the candidacy of the DanishK inga sK ing of Sweden. In these pamphlets, the preferred termw as "Nordic" rather than "Scandinavian," even if both terms weref requentlyu sed.²⁹ The choice of Bernadotte as Swedish Crown Prince in 1810 changed the condition for dynastic pan-Scandinavian activities, at least until the 1850s.³⁰ During the 1830s, "Scandinavian" graduallya ccrued connotations of "newness," and "new ideas," and "Scandinavia" was transformed into the land of the future -acommon future for Danes, Swedes,and Norwegians.Old Norse enthusiasm mergedwith liberal and nationalreactions to absoluterule and adeveloping Danish-Germanconflict over the DuchiesS chleswigand Holstein in the divided borderland. The Danish rhetoric of Scandinavianness from the mid-1830s was thus an ew kind,i no pposition to the authorities and not directed by them. Furthermore, it was influenced by,while at the same time being opposed to, the German national movement at the time. Atransnationalpan-Scandinavian movement was in the making from the late 1830s, gaining support from liberal-oriented groups and individuals,includingpublicists, writers,and students, mainlyi nD enmark and Sweden, duringt he 1840s.
 See also Timvan Gerven on the use of this legacy in national consciousness-raisingprojects: "Scandinavism: Overlapping and CompetingI dentities in the Nordic World 1770 -1919" (PhD diss., University of Amsterdam,2 020, forthcomingB rill, 2022). The pan-Scandinavian movement developed from regional Danish and Swedish collaboration across the Öresund Sound from around 1800,togradually more institutionalized collaboration between devoted groups in Denmark, Sweden and, more hesitantly, Norwaya nd Finland. The movement sought to construct ac ommon Scandinavian identity by highlightingt he common Old Norse heritage, the kindred languages, and culturals imilarities among "Scandinavians." In addition, it focused on the strategic political need to stand up to Prussia and Russia.³¹ The movement gained momentum and spread from Denmark to the other Scandinavian countries foremost through the spectacular social and political student events taking place from the early1840s, the so-called "Scandinavian student voyages," which were media events at the time.³² Influenced by these impulses, to be a "Scandinavian" in Swedish rhetoric graduallyalso included the Danes.
Meetings, associations, and events led to new and strengthened transnational networks. Through ac omprehensive and conscious use of journals, newspapers, pamphlets, bookso fd ifferent kinds, songs, poems, and speeches, an ew pan-Scandinavian vocabulary was widelys pread and circulated to the Nordic countries and beyond.³³ The effect this had in increasingt he frequency of the term "Scandinavian" in the newspapers, not onlyinDenmark but in all the Nordic countries,i ss triking.
In 1843, after astudent meetinginUppsala, the publicist and scholarLudvig Kristensen Daa,o ne of the few Norwegians publiclya nd positively orientedt owards the new "Scandinavian ideas," wrotei nh is journal Granskeren about the current movement: "Lately, the youth of our neighbours and brothers,t he Swedish and Danishy oungsters, have also[ as among the Italian and German youth] found their great idea, namelyt he Scandinavian idea of Nordic unity."³⁴ The Norwegianyouth were, however,more hesitant.The discussions in the NorwegianS tudent association after this meetingw erep redominantlyc ritical of the new ideas.³⁵ The "Scandinavian idea of Nordic unity" was onlyo ne out of ag reat many similar phrases and frequentlyused expressions thatwereconsciouslyemployed by pan-Scandinavian activists. These phrases mayb es eena sp art of ar enewed Scandinavian political language, disseminatedi nd ifferent ways,t hat was used as am eans to achievep olitical goals.³⁶ Based on the reformulated, rhetorical concept of a "Scandinavian" as someone supportiveo ft he "Scandinavian idea" and the broader understanding of "Scandinavia"-being the land of the common prosperous future -the concept of "Scandinavianism" emerged. This new ism, which mirrored other pan-nationalm ovementso ft he day, was commonlyi nu se after 1844.³⁷ In 1839,F redrik Barfod'sq uarterlyj ournal Brageo gI dun, the first transnational journalwith an explicit pan-Scandinavian agenda, was published and circulated to Scandinavian, mainlyD anisha nd Swedish, subscribers. The term "Scandinavian" was regularlyu sed in the five volumes published between 1839 and 1842, whenB arfod'se nterprise was stopped due to censorship restrictions. Examples are phrases like "aS candinavian soul", "Scandinavian endeavours", "Scandinavian nations", "Scandinavian sympathies",a" Scandinavian mindset" and "the Scandinavian North".T he dominance of the term "Nordic" in the journal however outnumbers that of "Scandinavian" by aw ide margin.³⁸ Significant is also the first "Scandinavian Meeting of Natural Scientists" held in Gothenburgi n1839. Inspired by German, British, and Swiss examples, it was the first in arangeofregularlyheld transnationalmeetingswithin different professions and groups across the Nordic region.A dvocateso ft he "Scandinavian idea," attending the meetingin1839, claimed that it was the first proof of "ascientific union of the North."³⁹ It was interpreted as asign of Scandinavian recon- ciliation and the necessity of closer collaboration. Numerous speeches during the meeting -published in Scandinavian newspapers and journals such as BrageogIdun,and as part of the published account of the meeting -demonstrated an eager use of the rhetoric of Scandinavianness.S everal similar meetings and related associationst ermed themselves "Scandinavian" from the 1840s onwards.⁴⁰ After the first grand student meeting in Uppsala in June 1843, associations with ap an-Scandinavian goal were established in Copenhagen and Uppsala. The aim was to strengthen the culturalconnections between the three Scandinavian countries.InDenmark, the new Skandinavisk Samfund [Scandinavian society], established by students and leaders of the pan-Scandinavian movement, was prohibited by the authorities, due in part to its name. The prohibition caused as harp debate in the publicsphere and probablyonlyhelpedtostrengthen the movement.The Copenhagen cultural elite soon established another association, Skandinavisk Selskab, in September 1843. This time,the association gotthe necessary approval on the explicit precondition that their meetings would not be used for political discussion. As imilar association, Skandinaviska Sällskapet, was established in Uppsala in October 1843.
The pan-Scandinavian profile of these new associations is emphasized in a Swedish encyclopaedia published 1848, in aseparate entry on "Scandinavian association." Scandinavian societies is the name of the associations, which in recent years have been established within as wellasoutside Scandinavia, in order to contributetothe development of the common Swedish, Norwegian and Danish nationality.The purpose of these associations is to stimulatet he feelingo fo ne nationality,n ot Swedish, Norwegian or Danish, but Scandinavian.⁴¹ The encyclopaedic definition is illuminating regardingthe use of the term "Scandinavian," and phrases like "the Scandinavian idea" and "the Scandinavian nationality," and the perceivedrole of "Scandinavian associations" in this pan-national project. "Scandinavian" associations abroad werepart of this picture. Pan-Scandinavian diasporaa ssociationsa broad,b ya nd for Scandinavians working in or travelling to other parts of the world, wereu sually open to all "Scandinavians" in acertain city and commonlytermed themselvesa"Scandinavian association." They wereestablished in arangeofEuropean cities from the 1840s on- Alist of meetingsheld in the Nordic region from 1839 to 1929 is included as an appendix in Hemstad, FraI ndian summer.  Translation by the author. Svenskt konversationslexikon 3: 547-548. wards,and among emigrants in the United States, Australia, and Africa.⁴² Several of the new associations abroad stayed in contact with the Scandinavian associations backh ome, which helpedt ob uild up "Scandinavian libraries" abroad by sending "Scandinavian literature," includingb ooks, journals,a nd newspapers. News from these diasporaassociationswerereported on regularlyinnewspapers in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, contributing to at ransnational discourse.
An interesting,r evealing discussion suggesting that "Scandinavian" was assumed as apotentiallymorepolitical termthan "Nordic" in the 1840s took place in Hamburgwhen ac ultural-literary association was established in late 1842b y Scandinavians -predominantlyDanes -as the first of its kind in the nineteenth century.The discussions reached the Scandinavian newspapers,which reported that the Swedish-Norwegian and Danish diplomatic representativesinHamburg werei nformed about the new association, which had termedi tself a "Scandinavian association."⁴³ Thiswas not aproblem for the Swedish diplomats. The Danish envoy, however,p rotested, fearing potential political reactions to the use of the term "Scandinavian," including, in particular, the potential reaction of the Russian court.A saresult, the association chose the apparentlym ore neutral term "Nordic," calling itself Nordisk Laeseforening[ the Nordic reading society]. The following spring,h owever,t he original name was restored. The "Scandinavian association" in Hamburgcontinued until 1912 and wasregularlyreported on in the Scandinavian press as an example of Scandinavian sentimentsand cooperation abroad. This picture changed totally, however,d ue to the dissolution of the Norwegian-Swedish union in 1905,causing ar enewed quarrel regardingt he naming of the associationa fter the Swedish members demonstratively left the association.

The Scandinavian VocabularyT urn
Athird point in the history of the rhetoric of Scandinavianness is the sharp rise in the frequency of the term "Scandinavian" from the mid-1840s. This appliest o  Ruth Hemstad, "Organizational Scandinavianism Abroad";R uth Hemstad, "Literaturea s Auxiliary Forces: Scandinavianism,P an-Scandinavian Associations and Transnational Dissemination of Literature," in Cultureand Conflict: Nation-building in Denmarkand Scandinavia 1800 -1930, ed. Sine Krogh,Thor Mednick and Karina LykkeG rand (Aarhus:A arhus University Press, 2022),161-164.  Originallyr eferred to in AalborgS tiftstidendeo gA dresse-Avis,27J anuary 1843. On the association in Hamburg, see also Hemstad, "Organizational Scandinavianism Abroad." newspapers in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway -and to ac ertain degree in Finland -indicating the emergence of what could resemble aNordic public sphere. There are different limitations regarding the scope and quality of the digitized material in the various Nordic newspaper corpora, especiallyw hen it comes to older printed publications, and there is still al ack of digitized journals and other printed material. The newspaper databases give,h owever,aclear indication of the changes in the vocabulary and of the frequencies of terms such as "Scandinavian" and "Nordic."⁴⁴ In Danish newspapers,there was agradual rise in the use of the term "Scandinavian" since 1800,b ut this changed dramaticallyi nt he 1840s. From ar elativelyl ow frequency during the 1830s the frequency increased by af actor of twenty in the 1840s.⁴⁵ Almost aq uarter of these mentions originatesf rom the pro-Scandinavian newspaper Faedrelandet.⁴⁶ This is almost as manyoccurrences as the overall more frequent term "Nordic" in Danishn ewspapers duringt his decade.⁴⁷ After ag radual rise in the 1850s, there was another sharp rise in the use of "Scandinavian" in the 1860s.⁴⁸ From the 1870s, the gradual rise of "Scandinavian" continued, while "Nordic" again became clearlym ored ominant ( fig.1).
This development corresponds partly -and especiallyf or the period between the 1830s and the 1860s -with the Swedish, Norwegian, and Finnish results.The comparison also reveals an interesting differencebetween adominant frequencyo f" Nordic" in Denmark and Finland, and ar elatively more frequent use of "Scandinavian" in Sweden and Norwayf or the period between the 1870sa nd the 1890s. In Swedish newspapers, "Scandinavian" rises markedly from the 1830s to the 1840s, even surpassing the frequencyo ft he term "Nor- This is validalso when the frequencyismeasured in absolute numbers of hits/mentions (the number of hits in the newspaper databases reflects the amount of newspaper issues with mentions of "Scandinavian" or "Nordic",not the total amount of mentions in each issue put together). Fort he Norwegian material, relative frequency supports the findings in this study.  The frequency of the term "Scandinavian" in Danish newspapers rosefrom161 mentionsduring the 1830s to 3,795m entions duringt he 1840s.( An asterisk ["skandinavisk*"]w as added to the keyword search to ensurethe inclusion of different variants.The searchiscase-insensitive.) Mediestream, accessed 13 September,2 020, www2.statsbiblioteket.dk/mediestream.  Therew ere 885m entions of "Scandinavian" in Faedrelandet duringt he 1840s.  The frequencyofthe term "Nordic" ("nordisk*")r osefrom2,046 mentions during the 1830s to 4,038 mentions duringt he 1840s.  Thereare 13,253 mentions of "Scandinavian" during the 1860s compared to 18,807mentions of "Nordic" during the same period. dic."⁴⁹ After ag radual rise in the 1850s, the use of "Scandinavian" again rose considerablyi nt he 1860s.⁵⁰ In the 1870s, there was ag radual rise of both terms,with "Nordic" onlya gain slightlys urpassing "Scandinavian" in the decade between 1890 and 1899 ( fig.2 ).  The frequencyo ft he term "Scandinavian" ("skandinavisk*")i nS wedish newspapers rose from 710m entions during the 1830s to 5,967m entionsd uring the 1840s.The frequencyo ft he term "Nordic" ("nordisk*")r ose from 1,718m entions during the 1830s to 5,551d uringt he 1840s.(Asearchon"scandinavisk*" gave 32 additionalhits during the 1830s,and 83 hits during the 1840s.The search is case-insensitive). Svenskad agstidningar,a ccessed1 3S eptember 2020, www.tidningar.kb.se.  Therea re 25,688 mentions of "Scandinavian" duringt he 1860s compared to 19,524 of "Nordic" during the same period. Included in this resulta re also advertisements for the bank Skan-dinaviskaK reditaktiebolaget, founded in 1864. In the Norwegian digitized newspaper corpus,t he samet endencyi sp revalent, even if the contemporary number of newspapers was considerablyl ess in Norwayt han in the established Danish and Swedish print cultures. "Scandinavian" was used moderatelyinthe 1830s before its usage rose significantlyinthe 1840s (cf. fig.3 ).⁵¹ In the same period, the term "Nordic" also rose,b ut comparatively less.⁵² The 1850s represented ar elative rise in the frequency of "Scandinavian", surpassingt hat of "Nordic." From the 1870st ot he 1880, "Nordic" was slightly more widespread. During the 1890s, "Scandinavian" again surpassed "Nordic," but since 1900, "Nordic" has graduallyb ecome the most dominant term again.
Swedish languagenewspapers in Finland also reflect the same development.The newspaper corpus displays an increase in the term "Scandinavian" from the 1830s to the 1840s compared to that of "Nordic".⁵³ There is ag radual increase of botht erms in the 1850s and 1860s with ac lear increase of "Nordic" in the 1870sa nd of both terms in the 1880s followed by am inor decrease of "Scandinavian" in the 1890s. The term "Nordic" is overall more frequent in this corpus duringt he whole period from 1810 to 1900 ( fig.4).
 The frequency of the term "Scandinavian" ("skandinavisk*")inNorwegian newspapers rose from 79 mentionsd uring the 1830s to 1,209m entions duringt he 1840s.( The search is case-insensitive). National Library of Norway, accessed 13 September 2020,www.nb.no.  The frequency of the term "Nordic" ("nordisk*")rosefrom486 mentionsduringthe 1830s to 1,954 mentionsd uringt he 1840s.  The frequencyo ft he term "Scandinavian" ("skandinavisk"*/"scandinavisk*")i nS wedish languagen ewspapers -and advertisements in Swedish in Finnish languagen ewspapers -in Finland rose from 95 mentionsduring the 1830s to 227mentionsduring the 1840s.The frequency of the term "Nordic" ("nordisk*")rosefrom218 mentionsduring the 1830s to 457mentionsduring the 1840s.(The search is case-insensitive). DIGI, accessed 16 September 2020,digi.kansalliskirjasto.fi. The references to "Scandinavian" and "Nordic" in Nordic newspapers in general covers editorial content,asarticles and submitted letters,but also advertisements, announcements, and lists of publications, reflectingt he widespread use of these terms in different contexts. During the nineteenth century "Scandinavian" and "Nordic" were increasinglyu sed in nameso fj ournals, newspapers, firms, organizations,culturalinstitutions, and different enterprises of atransnational character.This tendencyreflects ageneral transnationaldevelopment and indicatest hat aS candinavian/Nordic orientation had become an integrated, "ambient" part of cultural and social life across the regionand could also be utilised for branding purposes.⁵⁴ Part of this picture is the rising number of meetingsa nd associations using "Scandinavian" or "Nordic" in their names.⁵⁵

Scandinavian Sympathies and Related Phrases
The sharp rise in the frequency of the term "Scandinavian" in Nordic newspaper corporaa lsor eflects the rangeo fn ew phrases enteringt he new pan-Scandinavian vocabulary.I llustrative is the critical discussion by Christian Molbech in his travel account published in 1844 whereh ea dded an almostf orty-page long,h ighlyc ritical appendix regarding what he called "the Scandinavian Figure 4: Frequency of the terms "Scandinavian" and "Nordic" in Swedish-language newspapersi nF inland 1810 -1899. Source: DIGI, accessed 16 September 2020,d igi.kansalliskirjasto.fi. Illustration copyrightL arsG .J ohnsen, National Library of Norway.
idea" or "the Scandinavian idea of unity."⁵⁶ The text demonstrates how the term "Scandinavian" wasu sed in an alreadyf lourishing amount of new expressions and phrases, among them a "new Scandinavianness," a "Scandinavian connection," the "Scandinavian North," the "new Scandinavia,""the first sudden Scandinavian enthusiasm,"" Scandinavian sympathies," and "the Scandinavian issue." In Sweden, the term "Scandinavian" was redefined in the 1840s, even if, as we have seen, the previous narrower use and understanding continued alongside the new interpretation. Newspapers and journals naming themselves "Scandinavian" in the 1840s hence referred explicitlytoanother,larger, and future-oriented "Scandinavia" than what had hitherto been the case.⁵⁷ Along with the marked increase in the term "Scandinavian," therewas arenewed interest in "Nordic" as part of the new political-cultural vocabulary.Akey phrase here is Nordens Eenhed [Nordic unity/unity of the North], sometimes specifieda sas piritual, cultural, or even political,unity.
Some specific phrases are used throughout the century,with periods of increasingand decreasingusage.Other phrases, interestingly,onlyturn up during limited time periods. Some of these wordcombinations are seemingly quite neutral, while others are ambiguous, chargedwith meaningand clearlyrhetorical. It is possiblet oi dentify and analyse through ac ombination of close and distant readings phrases of interest,f requentlyu sed expressions,a nd termc o-occurrences. By countingt he frequencies of certain bigrams in the text corpus at the National Library of Norwayand searchingfor keywords and specific phrases in Nordic newspaper databases,aswellasconducting close readings of relevant material, one can begin to see several patterns appear.⁵⁸ Several of the new phrases found in this research werecoined by pan-Scandinavian activists. Some of the phrases with the term "Nordic" are integrated Some phrases could changet heir meaning, depending on the context,a s part of aS wedish or aD anish rhetoric. The "Scandinavian union" could mean Sweden and Norway or Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, and the inhabitants in question -the "Scandinavians"-could meanthe Swedish and Norwegianpeople or the Danish, Swedish, and Norwegianp eople or even, more explicitly, the Danish, Swedish and Norwegian supporters of the "Scandinavian idea." A "Scandinavian song" could be praising the union between Sweden and Norway, especiallywhen written around 1814 or it could, lateron, be one of the hundreds of songsd istributed duringt he "Scandinavian/Nordic student meetings." Some phrases are predominantly "Nordic," like the ones describing Old Norse heritage.⁵⁹ Old Norse history,l anguage, and antiquities wered ominantly termed "Nordic," not "Scandinavian." In the Sagas themselves, "Scandinavian" was not used, as wase mphasized in the Norwegian critique against Danisha ttempts to claim part of the ownership to this heritage. "Nordic" was preferred as well when speaking of Vikings, pagans, Gods and runes, as well as tribes. History was also dominantly "Nordic." There are "Nordic mythology/legends," as well as "Nordic folk songs/fairy-tales/poetry/art/authors," but "literature" could either be described as "Scandinavian" or "Nordic." Anda lthough countries,s tates, and realmsare interchangeably "Nordic" or "Scandinavian," there are seemingly only "Nordic powers" and a "Nordic force." The rhetoric of Scandinavianness around 1840 was soon met by counter concepts clearlyindicating the ambiguity embedded in these concepts. One of these, although quite rare, was "Unscandinavian." Another,more frequentlyused, was "antiscandinavian." There werealso "antiscandinavians," referringnegatively to "Scandinavians," or "so-called Scandinavians," referring to someone who was in favour of the "Scandinavian idea."" Unscandinavian" was usedi na na rticle in the Danishs atirical and political magazine, Corsaren,while mocking the incredible number of speeches and toasts being held at the huge "Nordic" student meeting in Copenhagen during the summerof1845. The author claims therewere "247S candinavian speeches… always about one and the same thing,t hat Denmark, Norwaya nd Sweden had been in disagreement,b ut now weret he best of friends -that is simply too much… that is unscandinavian."⁶⁰  See also J.J.A. Worsaae, "Om vigtigheden af et centrum for Nordisk Oldforskning," Annaler for NordiskO ldkyndighed og Historie,1 846:3-20.I nS weden, "Scandinavian" was also used to describe this past history. "Nordicr ace" is, however,s eeminglyn ot commonlyu sed (on humans) until the 1920s. See also Merle Weßel in this volume.  Corsaren,4July 1845, cited after Julius Clausen, Skandinavismen historiskfremstillet (Copenhagen: Det Nordiske Forlag, 1900), 101. Corsaren was editedb yM .A. Goldschmidt.
The developmenti nt he rhetorical use of "Scandinavian" in the 1840s cannot be understood without consideringt he impact of the pan-Scandinavian movement.T he usagec ulminatedw ith the two German-Danish wars on the Duchyo fS chleswig, 1848 -51 and 1864,r esulting in the Danishl osso fS chleswig.D uring the 1870s, the 1880s, and most of the 1890s the rhetoric of Scandinavianness was less outspoken, but still not completelyf orgotten.

From the Rhetoric of Scandinavianness to the Rhetoric of Nordicness
Afourth point regardingthe rhetoric of Scandinavianness in the nineteenth century is the renewed interest at the turn of the century followed by ar ejectiono f these concepts in conservative parts of the Swedish public sphere. This development probablycontributed to strengthening another tendency, which is the final main point,namely, thatthe rhetoric of Scandinavianness graduallytransformed into ar hetoric of Nordicness from the last part of the nineteenth century onwards.This last section will brieflyl ook into this development.
The period of specific interest is around the year 1900,which sawarevival of pan-Scandinavian sentiments stimulated by what was termed "neo-Scandinavianism."⁶¹ Ar angeo f" Scandinavian" and "Nordic" associations and meetings filled the air,m anyo ft hem using ar hetoric reminiscent of earlier periods. This Indian summer period, also reflectingRussianand German pressureagainst Finland and the Danishborderlands respectively,turned, however,into ac old Nordic winter after the dissolution of the Norwegian-Swedish union in 1905.S wedish "neo-Scandinavianists" openlyd eclared the final death of "Scandinavianism" causedb yN orway unilaterally leaving the union. Swedish reactions hence turned against the flourishing Nordic cooperation at the time, includingt he manyS candinavian associationse stablished abroad,s uch as the one in Hamburg. The terms "Scandinavia" and "Scandinavian" weren ol onger appealingbut rather contestedand wererejected as inappropriate and in conflict with Swedish national interests in conservative parts of the Swedish public sphere.⁶² The pan-Scandinavian associations abroad,usually termed "Scandinavian," not "Nordic," continued to celebrate "Scandinavian" culture, traditions, and spirit,a long with "Nordic Christmas" and "Scandinavian friendship" until the dis- Hemstad, FraI ndian summer,8 7 -229.  "De 'skandinaviska' sjömanshemmenu tomlands," Göteborgs Aftonblad, 17 July,1908. solution of the union in 1905.I n1 906 and 1907, following the dissolution, and the subsequent anti-Scandinavian sentiments in Sweden, manyassociations, especially in European cities, weret erminated.⁶³ The Scandinavian Association in Rome, established 1860,was one of the few older associations to survive 1905, and it is stilli no peration today.
An encyclopaedic entry in the Swedish NordiskF amiljebok -not an untypical name at the time -illuminatest he conceptual changes within this field. The entry for "Scandinavian associations abroad" was still included in the 1917v olume, but withouta ny definition, onlyareference to another entry: "see Swedes living abroad."⁶⁴ Utlandssvenskar wast hen defined as "Swedish speakingc itizens of Swedish origin" (includingf ormer Swedish territories), living in astate other than Sweden.⁶⁵ Several of the pan-Scandinavian associations abroad had been dissolveda nd new,n ation-based clubs were established instead, backed by nationalu mbrella organizations in the homec ountries.
The naming of transnationalm eetingsw ithin Scandinavia illustrates the transformation from "Scandinavian" to "Nordic" duringthe last part of the nineteenth century.Beginningwith the first meeting series, thats tarted in 1839,a nd in the decades following,a ssociations and meetingsa cross the region were termed "Scandinavian." During the 1860s, new meetingsw eree ither called "Scandinavian" or "Nordic." Starting with the 1870s, however,n ew meetings and conferences werep rimarilyc alled "Nordic" rather than "Scandinavian," in part reflectingagrowingn umber of Finnish participants. After 1900,t here are onlyr are exceptions stillu sing the adjective "Scandinavian" for these kinds of transnationala ctivities.⁶⁶ The samepattern can be seen in the names of the pan-Scandinavian oriented networks of associations. Within Scandinavia, associations with pan-Scandinavian ambitions, although nationallybased, wereestablished in threedifferent, short-livedr owsd uringt he nineteenth century.T he naming of them changed over time following the main transformation from "Scandinavian" to "Nordic." Aforerunnerwas the above-mentioned Scandinavian Literary Society,established in 1796.D uring the 1840s, the associations were, as we have seen, termed "Scandinavian." When new associations weree stablished after the second Ger- Hemstad, "Organizational Scandinavianism Abroad";H emstad, FraI ndian summer,3 45 -359.  "Skandinaviskaf öreningar iu tlandet: Se Utlandssvenskar," NordiskF amiljebok 25,2 nd ed. (Stockholm, 1917), 876.  NordiskF amiljebok 31 (Stockholm, 1921), 111.  Amongthe exceptions are "Scandinavian Labour Congresses,""Scandinavian Dentists Meetings," and "Scandinavian Woman Conferences".S ee appendix in Hemstad, FraI ndian summer. man-Danishw ar in 1864,t hey weret ermed "Nordic" in Sweden and Denmark. The first associationo ft his kind in Norway,e stablished duringt he war,t ermed itself however "Scandinavian" [Skandinavisk Selskab]. As part of the revivalo f pan-Scandinavian notions after 1899,n ew associations weref ounded, using a common name:Nordisk Forening [Nordic association]. After aperiod of reduced cooperation and contact after1905,the First World Warreactivated Nordic cooperation, meetings,a nd transnationala ssociational life. Foreningene Norden [Norden associations] weree stablished not onlyi nt he Scandinavian countries in 1919,b ut also in Iceland in 1922,i nF inland in 1924,a nd lateri nt he Baltic area. They proved to have al onger life than their predecessors did. They have represented, and still represent,a ne nduringr hetoric of Nordicness.

Conclusion
This chapter has explored the emergence, rise, and decline of the term "Scandinavian" as af lexible and contested concept in newspapers published in Denmark, Sweden, Norwaya nd Finland in the long nineteenth century. Based on an approach combiningclose and distant reading,through key worda nd collocate searchingofNordic newspapers, and additional readingsofjournals, books, and pamphlets, it argues thatt he use of the term "Scandinavian," along with a revivedu se of the older and more common term "Nordic," increased rapidlyi n the Nordic countries in the 1840s. The studydemonstratesh ow different groups have sought to claim the term "Scandinavian" for their ownpurposes, leading to rhetorical struggles. Arhetoric of Scandinavianness -utilising the relatively rare and unsettled term "Scandinavian" compared to that of "Nordic" around 1800was used in competingSwedish and Danishpan-nationalprojects.The use of the term "Scandinavian" exploded within the new Scandinavian publics phere that emergedi nt he 1840s, with associations, journals, and newspapers promoting the "Scandinavian idea." New connotations werea ttachedt oe stablished terms,a nd ar angeo fc onceptual innovations with rhetorical power led to conceptual contests and disputes.
While the Swedish interpretationof"Scandinavia" and "Scandinavian"-as restricted to the Scandinavian Peninsula -used in the decades following 1814 has more or less faded into oblivion, the pan-Scandinavian movement of the mid-nineteenth century,itmay be argued, had an enduringinfluenceonthe contested rhetoric of Scandinavianness and Nordicness throughout the century -and well beyond.⁶⁷ The re-politicization of this concept around 1900 -1905,and the national tensions and anti-Scandinavian sentiments after 1905,c ontributed to making it even more contested. When the transnational cooperation started up again around 1918, and with Finland and Iceland as integrated parts of it, the term "Nordic" was the most appropriate adjectivetouse,although it continued to be flexible, appealing,a nd contested, as the following chapters of this volume demonstrate.