The Impact of Image on Translation Decision-Making in Dubbing into Arabic – Premeditated Manipulation par Excellence: The Exodus Song as a Case Study


 The emblematic connotations and ideological values of images affect the way iconographic and visual codes are interpreted in dubbing. Religion, culture, and politics are all primary variables that communicate evaluative views of the world, but also impose pressure on the translator when they stand in conflict with his or her attitudinal positioning and ethical judgement. Thus, this article aims to examine how the interplay between iconographic and linguistic codes of the visual sign in the musical animation This Land is Mine impacts translational decision-making in dubbing into Arabic. Simultaneously, the aim of this article is to evaluate how religious, cultural, and ideological dissonances between source text and target audience result in acts of manipulation and negotiation of meaning in the target text that explicitly channels the voice of the translator. We employ a dual theoretical approach combining narrative theory and appraisal theory in order to evaluate patterns of manipulation within a scaled system to provide graded analysis that exposes the ideological stance and bias of the source text’s producer/animator in representing reality via visual narrative.


Introduction
The process of manipulation is nowhere more common and apparent than in the inextricably interrelated phenomena of language and ideology. Because language is the natural conduit for ideology, the verbal signs inherent within linguistic expressions carry an ever-present ideologised semantic value and subjectivity. For that reason, an utterance discloses individual manipulation, particularly as language is reciprocally connected to systems of ideas and ideals and by nature cannot be decontextualised from the social milieu and religio-cultural resonances. In drawing attention to the relation between language as a stratified sign-system and the individual consciousness, Vološinov argues that "the individual consciousness is a social-ideological fact" that not only construes and refracts outside reality but also interacts with other outside realities (12). In other words, the habitus, grounded within a given social setting and patterns of experience, determines personal dispositions. Comparably, Fairclough approaches discourse from a dialectical-relational point of view. Discourse is the crystallisation of social life, he claims, a discourse that represents ideological orientations that transcend the textual bodies by reflecting different facets of the world. On the features of ideology he writes, "Ideologies […] contribute to establishing and maintaining relations of power, domination and exploitation. They may be enacted in ways of interacting (and therefore in genres) and inculcated in ways of being or identities (and therefore in styles)" (Fairclough 218, emphasis in original).
Due to this ideological complexity, the translation process becomes a litmus test for the degree of manipulation or lack thereof based on the translator's reading position, more so in audiovisual translation. Audiovisual material is the semiotic interplay of signifying codes of the acoustic and visual channels, which through their complementary structure "create a coherent linguistic-visual whole" (Díaz Cintas and Remael 171). An audiovisual text, according to Chaume is "a semiotic construct comprising several signifying codes that operate simultaneously in the production of meaning" articulated via linguistic and iconographic codes (16). Along the same lines, Díaz Cintas accentuates the prominence of audiovisual production as an "ideal and powerful [communicative] vehicle for the transmission, not only of factual information, but also assumptions, moral values, common places, and stereotypes" (281). On this basis, and in view of the translator as an active interactant with audiovisual material, iconographic codes/visuals affect how linguistic codes/utterances are interpreted and translated. As Baumgarten asserts, "visual information is interpreted as contributing to the meaning of the utterances and vice versa because viewers will always involuntarily try to establish a meaningful relationship between the two layers of information they are presented with" (12). From the prism of audiovisual translation, a certain complication arises when the iconographic signs and linguistic signs are not similarly shared by the source and target audience in terms of religion, culture, beliefs, and most importantly, ideology. Such ramifications of dissimilarity are the focus of this article.

Images and the Visualisation of Meaning
Images are pictorial representations emanating from a cultural background, in which reading the semantic content of images will bring to light the connotative associations which are, in one way or another, "the interpretation of the denotations by the viewer, formed from his or her values, experiences, personal identity, and cultural upbringing" (Tercedor et al. 146). In their book Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design, Kress and Leeuwen aim to correct the parochial view of images as manifestations of aesthetics and unconscious expression by emphasising the fact that images contain "structured social, political and communicative dimensions" that instantiate ideology (20). They metaphorically represent images as a "grammar" system in which "grammar" accounts for the socially defined practices and knowledge that systemically shape the rules of visual communication. Moreover, Kress and Leeuwen argue, "visual structures do not simply reproduce the structures of 'reality.' On the contrary, they produce images of reality which are bound up with the interests of the social institutions within which the images are produced, circulated and read. They are ideological. Visual structures are never merely formal: they have a deeply important semantic dimension" (47).
Thus, we can deduce from this social-semiotic approach that the attitudinal valuations implicitly guiding the formulation of the visual mise-en-scène and internal meanings make images a metalanguage, a representational functional channel silently transmitting information about reality and power relations. In so doing, imagesvia symbolic associations, typographical features, and colour schemescan impose manipulated narratives encoded within the non-verbal visual plane that promote a specific agenda, as is the case of our present case study. By utilising the Hallidayan theory of metafunction, Kress and Leeuwen propose that multimodal material conveys similar metafunctionality; namely, representation (ideational), interaction (interpersonal), and composition (textual). To explain further, the representational function has two structures: (a) narrative, "presenting unfolding actions and events, processes of change, transitory spatial arrangements;" and (b) conceptual, "representing participants in terms of their more generalized and more or less stable and timeless essence, in terms of class, or structure or meaning" (97). The interactive function denotes the social relations of represented participants and interactive participants, and, on the other hand, the conceptual relations between (a) represented participants; (b) interactive and represented participants; and (c) interactive participants (114). Finally, the compositional function deals with how representation and interaction are interrelated by three sub-systems: (a) information value, (b) salience, and (c) framing. It is for this reason that analysing the meaning of verbal-visual correlations is highly significant for unveiling how the two are in fact integrated dimensions that unfold extralinguistic information about reality, or more conveniently, a "fabrication of a more or less convincing illusion of reality onscreen for the extramedial audience" (Baumgarten 10).

The Illusion of Objectivity: Ideology in Translation
Any ontological conceptualisation of the world, being, and society entails implicit ideological framing. Foucault raised the complexity of ideology in an interview, suggesting that it presupposes a stand "in virtual opposition to something else that is supposed to count as truth" (118). Foucault's statement reaffirms the interviewer's succinct description of ideology and its underlying mechanisms, which involve "the nostalgia for a quasi-transparent form of knowledge, free from all error and illusion" (117)(118). In other words, ideologies are meaning-making artefacts; they are propelling forces in constructing reality as well as national narratives due to their dependence on the medium of language and text. Lukin refers to these narratives as "socio-semiotic niche" (24) and sometimes "ecological niche" (71) in which representations of the world are seen as axiological acts of coherence. Such issues prove to be more persistent in translation because of the translator's agentive role in interpreting, and reactionary response to the source text and its contents. Thus, translation is not the faithful substitution of closest possible equivalences, but is rather what Tymoczko and Gentzler (2002) refer to as "a deliberate and conscious act of selection, assemblage, structuration, and fabricationand even, in some cases, of falsification, refusal of information, counterfeiting, and the creation of secret codes" (xxi).
In the same vein, Tymoczko (2003) maintains that translation is a "metastatement, a statement about the source text" affected by the translator's positioning and his/her "place of enunciation" which characterises and affects related locutionary, illocutionary, and prelocutionary acts (182-183). Hence, the translator's evaluative stance towards texts, as an intercultural mediator and as an author of reproduced texts, is not a stance located in the innocuous territory of in-betweenness; it is located in an idiosyncratic volatile territory impinged by ideology and politicisation. Seen from this angle, translators are motivated to either assimilate and disseminate practices of hegemony and socio-cultural norms or reject them. This impossibility of extrication suggests an inherent manipulation at play where meanings of the original will be inevitably displaced, consciously or unconsciously, as a result of subjectivity, a notion put forward by authors such as Hermans (11-12) and Díaz Cintas (282). Lefèvere identifies this deviation as "rewriting" in which translation is governed by poetological and ideological constraints and so he states, "on every level of the translation process, it can be shown that, if linguistic considerations enter into conflict with considerations of an ideological and/or poetological nature, the latter tend to win out" (39). Lefevere's remark reveals just how much penetrating ideology is and how much objectivity in translation is an illusion.

Ideology and Manipulation in Dubbing
As a shaping force of the world, it is hardly surprising that a practice such as audiovisual translation, or any form of translation for that part, involves ideological underpinnings beneath the surface. Dubbing, as a translational method, is the replacement of "the original track of a film's […] source language dialogues with another track on which translated dialogues have been recorded in the target language" (Chaume 1). Given its complex nature which results in complete removal of original linguistic codes, it is often argued that dubbing is a composite of manipulations. For instance, Díaz Cintas identifies two manipulation categories: technical and ideological manipulation. The former is concerned with lip-synchronisation, i.e. matching labial movements with visuals in the case of dubbing, or speech condensation and spatiotemporal/screen constraints in subtitling. Meanwhile, the latter denotes any "incorporation in the target text of any change (including deletions and additions) that deliberately departs from what is said (or shown) in the original" (285). In addition, Díaz Cintas postulates that technical manipulation "should not entail a significant, deliberate change of meaning that would contradict the nature of the source," whereas ideological manipulation exercises explicit deviations from the original (284).
Such deviations are questions for inquiry in view of their relevance to socio-cultural references, which in film translation are "most acutely the sites of ideological interference" as Fawcett accounts (153). For example, Yahiaoui sees dubbing as "the culprit in translation manipulation," especially when the target religion, social standards, and cultural identity are the variables by which audiovisual is deemed acceptable (185). Likewise, Zanotti refers to dubbing as "the most invisible and subtle form of censorship" (355). In this context, ideological intervention is best understood as "the omission or replacement of words or phraseological units that relate to sensitive areas such as politics, religion, ethnicity, race, gender or sexuality" (Pavesi 159). In short, the adaptation and re-framing of audiovisual products is thus determined by the imposed constraints such as moral codes and the translation directionality of the work stated by organisational apparatus or national regulations (Zanotti 352).

Theoretical Underpinnings
Thus far, we examined concepts of overarching importance, that is, visual signs as representational systems of the world and social relations; the domain of translation and its ideological imbrications; and how the dubbing of multimodal texts is governed by belief systems and norms of the target culture. In this section, we examine two pivotal theoretical frameworks that underline the account of this article.

Appraisal Theory
The Appraisal theory is situated within the parameters of Halliday's systemic-functional linguistics, a multi-faceted model describing the social semiotic system of language as "a resource for meaning making" and text as "a process of meaning making in context" (Halliday and Matthiessen 3). Linguistic functionality enabled systematising language on the levels of phonology and graphology, lexicogrammar, and discourse semanticsthis indicates that the meaning of individual words has to do with the manner by which individual words are constructed in a stretch of discourse with the intention to achieve a particular purpose in a particular context. At heart, systemic-functional linguistics primarily looks at the social context in relation to the notion of register and its contextual varieties realised through the three variables of field, tenor, and mode: fieldwhat's going on in the situation: (i) the nature of the social and semiotic activity; and (ii) the domain of experience this activity relates to (the 'subject matter' or 'topic'); tenorwho is taking part in the situation: (i) the roles played by those taking part in the socio-semiotic activity […] and (ii) the values that the interactants imbue the domain with (either neutral or loaded, positively or negatively); modewhat role is being played by language and other semiotic systems in the situation.  Register corresponds with metafunctions (ideational, interpersonal, textual), and how they, respectively, "represent experience," "enact relationships," and "organize text[s]" (Martin and Rose 7). As far as the Appraisal Theory is concerned, Martin and White define appraisal "as an interpersonal system at the level of discourse semantics" (33). Appraisal, in its basic sense, lays stress on the attitudinal positioning of participants, and how participants dialogically construe evaluative judgements intended to communicate particular values and emotions. Yet, participants' attitude depends on the respondents' ideological and axiological stance. In the case of translation, the translator's reading position, also termed "reaction," constitutes the formation of the target text. In this regard, Martin and White propose three types of reading positions: compliant readings (which "accommodate the reading position naturalised by a text"); resistant readings (which "work against the grain of [the] naturalisation process"); and tactical reading ("which take some aspect of the evaluation a text affords, and respond to it in an interested way that neither accepts nor rejects communion with the text as a whole") (206).
Appraisal's lexicalised evaluation is a composite of three co-existing systems: attitude (related to the construction of feelings), engagement (related to dialogistic distancing of participants vis-à-vis respondents), and graduation (related to the gradable continuum of investment where feelings are heightened or softened). Despite the equal significance of all three, attitude is the most fundamental system by which written/spoken discourse gains more granularity in terms of comprehending emotional reactions, behavioural patterns, and ethical standards, in addition to the evaluation of semiotic phenomena and processes which is "instilled in us by the educational, legal, cultural and other institutions in which we are formed" (Munday 24). Such notions are encompassed within the sub-systems of affect, judgment, and appreciation.

Narrative Theory
Narrative theory was imported from the social and communication theory to become later a developed instrument for analysing language and translation process in the field of translation studies. Baker (152) eschews using Toury's polysystem theory and his pervasive notion of norms, claiming it contributes in the reproduction of repeated and systematic patterns of socialisation; consequently, disregarding individuals' variations and their socio-political identities and their reframing of political reality by means of resisting dominant patterns of behaviour and social dogmas. Furthermore, she rejects Venuti's theory on the basis of its normalisation practice and compartmentalisation of translational behaviour into two dichotomous strategies, that is domestication and foreignisation. In lieu of Toury's norms and Venuti's binaries, and without undermining the importance of either, Baker believes narrative theory to be the most appropriate framework to apply, in which case she provides the following four rationales: (a) Narrative theory does not establish a diminutive classification for individuals and entities, "instead, it acknowledges the ongoingly negotiable nature of our positioning in relation to social and political reality." This means the theory recognises the unpredictability of behaviour and the type of influence the socio-cultural context exerts on individuals/translators (152-153). (b) Narrative theory provides dimensionality to translators "as real-life individuals rather than theoretical abstractions" (153). Baker quotes Whitebrook who provides an interesting argument about theories' depersonalisation of political agents stating that "[t]heory frequently fails to make the political agent concrete" (15). Hence, "narratives allow for the de-personalized persons of theory, the bearers of a representative or typified identity, to be understood as separate personscharacterswith singular sets of characteristics, including but not confined to their political context and/or group identity" (15). (c) Narrative theory identifies the dynamism of the diverse tapestry of relationships and "the complexity of [behaviour] being embedded in crisscrossing, even competing, narratives" (154). Thus, narrative theory recognises attitudes perpetuating dominant narratives or resisting established norms through framing and re-framing techniques, and the positioning and repositioning of participants. (d) Narrative theory establishes a connection between "the power of social structures and the workings of the 'system' but does not preclude active resistance on a personal or group level" (154). In other words, narrative theory highlights individualistic translational behaviours as microscopic representation contextualised within the macroscopic social setting, but not necessarily adherent to its doctrines.
Further comprising the system of narratology, Somers and Gibson (59-60) delineate four narrative features: temporality (events are sequentially placed in a particular spatiotemporal order to convey a particular reality); relationality of parts (deriving meanings from discursive constituents cannot be done unless viewed in relation to a larger narrative landscape); causal emplotment (stories are rationally constructed "constellations of relationships" serving an intentional function; and selective appropriation (the evaluative criteria by which events or experiences are configured and thematised). These features are reminiscent of Hayden White's notion of "historical emplotment" which, according to him, "produces not so much another, more comprehensive and synthetic factual statement as, rather, an interpretation of the facts" whose validity can be contested (39).

The Exodus Song
This Land is Mine is a short musical animation by Jewish-American cartoonist Nina Paley. The video visually recapitulates the interminable colonial struggle over the land of Palestine, played out against the musical backdrop of Andy William's performance of The Exodus Song. According to Paley's statement on her website, her animated rendition is a parody of the song which was "the soundtrack of American Zionism in the 1960's and 70's […expressing] Jewish entitlement to Israel" (2014). The three-minute clip is palimpsestic in the sense that Paley re-framed religious and political dissonances and represented it in a specific sequence to synthesise a "historical narration" via verbal-visual syntagms.
In fact, the pro-Zionist scheme subtly draws its force from the song's intertextual connection to the 1960 film Exodus, which, in turn, is based on Leon Uris's Zionist novel by the same name. In this case, intertextuality can be better comprehended in terms of "[t]emporal and spatial framing [which] involves selecting a particular text and embedding it in a temporal and spatial context that accentuates the narrative it depicts" and also "encourages us to establish links between it and current narratives that touch our lives" (Baker 112). Thus, Paley's ideologically motivated framing serves a two-fold purpose: on the one hand, the animation legitimises Israel as a political and national statevalidating in the process the biblical myth of "Eretz Yisrael." Concurrently, it overgeneralises Palestinians as Arabs and incriminates them of anti-Semitism and terrorismsuch generalisation validates, as the song's title explicitly suggests, the infamous myth "land with no people for people without a land" propagated by early Zionists.
This article is built on the analytical dissection of 19 Arabic translations of This Land is Mine made by a group of translators (Master's level in Audiovisual Translation Studies), in which the translation brief stated that they had the liberty to translate the source text in any manner preferred so long as they justified their decisions. The research data also consist of the translators' post-reflections as a triangulating measure to have retrospective insights into the cognitive process. Thus, this article aims to examine how the interplay between iconographic and linguistic codes of the visual sign, in our case the correlation between animation and lyrics, impact translational decision-making in dubbing into Arabic. Simultaneously, the aim of this article is to evaluate how religious, cultural, and ideological dissonances between source text and target audience (translators) result in acts of manipulation and negotiation of meaning in the target text.
The rationale behind selecting Paley's animation stems from its apparent sensitivity in the Arab context, which imposes a challenge in terms of interpreting "reading" the content and translation. It is for this reason this study employs the dual theoretical frameworks of narrative and appraisal theoriesin order to evaluate translators' patterns of manipulation but even more importantly expose Paley's ideological stance and bias without us being accused of "manufacturing" new realities.

Image Construction in This Land is Mine
Before proceeding with our analytical discussion, it is necessary to elaborate briefly on the ideological and political-cum-religious issues found in the animation from the prism of narrative and appraisal perspectives. As stated earlier, the notion of framing and re-framing is a narrative strategy designed to bring forward a version of reality. Such process, Baker elucidates, "can draw on practically any linguistic or nonlinguistic resource to set up an interpretive context for the reader or hearer. This may include exploiting paralinguistic devices such as intonation and typography, visual resources such as colour, image and layout" (5). That being said, the animator's biased narration is overtly visible from the first sequence in which the title "This Land is Mine" is written in a bold blue and white Hebrew-style font. The selection of this typeface and colour scheme connotes the animator's endorsement of "Israel's claim to Palestine" and provides justification for Israel's occupation. If we examine the succession of representative entities, apropos of the guide provided by Paley, we can see how the narrative is ad nauseam plotted so that Ottoman Turks are killed by Arabs, something which aims at promoting 'the Arabs' quasi-secular liberation from Islamic rule." In addition, the Palestinian appears to willfully surrender to the British and their mandate, which, Paley mentions, was the result of the British alliance with Arabs. Such implicit framing devices represent Ottoman Turks, Arabs, and Palestinians as separate dichotomous entities in order to portray a schismatic interpersonal reality. Further exploitations can be detected when looking at the relationship between image and lyrics. For instance, the verses "Then I see a land/Where children can run free" are symbolically connected with the visuals depicting "the children of Israel" running as the Star of Davidrepresented as the illuminating sunis fading in the background. In a similar fashion, the verses "If I must fight/I'll fight" (sung in high intonation) are heard in conjunction with the Israeli soldier raising his rifle. In this instance, the use of the modal auxiliary "must" conveys high subjectivity and monoglossic imperativeness in that it does not allow for any alternative action (Martin and White 111). As far as attitude is concerned, combining "must" with "fight" is intended to evoke a positive judgement, particularly when the visuals present the Israeli "fighting" terrorists (according to Paley's dysphemism for modern-day Palestinians). Religiously speaking, the diverse forms of theism and visual references made to different deities do not allow for a straight-forward interpretation of the word "God;" it propels the translator to come up with creative solutions to differentiate and signal each religion, especially since the animator's objective is to highlight how this colonial struggle is part of an on-going holy war. In translation, these patterns of causal emplotment have been cumulatively changed into Arabic in order to "lend a different weighting to the elements of the original narrative" (Baker 70). Such translational shifts are explored in the following section.

Discussion and Data Analysis
The participants' translations instantiate three varying approaches to conceptualising the verbal-visual information of the source text that become progressively more manipulative; although the translations are positioned along a cline, they can be categorised as follows:

Translating the Verbal Code as a Separate Source of Information
The translations in this category prioritise the linguistic mode over the visual, and although they are first and foremost literal translations, they reflect a spectrum of minor shifts that indicate ideological positioning when it comes to religious or cultural references. Table 1 contours an array of manipulations designed to manoeuvre or correct linguistic elements in the source text.
The rendering of these three excerpts illustrates the magnitude of manipulation of religio-cultural references in which the translators clearly manifest their Islamic affinities and their support of the Palestinian cause. F1 in Example 1 exclusively opted for modulation to explicate the ambiguity surrounding the expression "this land is mine" and translate it as " " (The land of Al-Quds is mine) to move, as the translator expressed, from the abstract source text to the more concrete target text and "make clear which geographical place is meant." Thus, the translator's choice of modulation in this context can be construed politically as a means to confront the Zionist dememorisation of Palestine and Judaisation of the land. As mentioned earlier, visual references made to different deities do not allow for a straightforward interpretation of the word "God," therefore, in translating "with the help of God" few translators in this category (F1, F2, and F3) selected all-inclusive terms such as " " (With the help of the Sustainer of the Universe; With the help of my God; With the help of the Sustainer of the Worlds), which, as F3 posits, leaves the term open for interpretation and "goes with the abstract concept of deity and [is] not specific to one religion." In fact, the term's abstractness was the most common justification shared by translators, especially because closely following the more general English rendition conveys the translators' avoidance of imposing any religious partiality and be possibly accountable for any sacrilege.
Likewise, one translator was aware of the song's ideological positioning when it comes to translating religio-cultural terms. Because the expression "with the help of God" is repeated twice, F4 decided to render the term "God" differently each time. In the first instance, it was substituted with the hypernym "religion" as in " ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﺎ‬ ‫ﻟ‬ ‫ﺪ‬ ‫ﻳ‬ ‫ﻦ‬ ‫ﺳ‬ ‫ﺄ‬ ‫ﻧ‬ ‫ﺘ‬ ‫ﴫ‬ " (With religion we will triumph) to expose that "religion is [exploited] by the Israelis as a [moral] justification to colonize Palestine" and re-write history. In the second instance, it was translated as " " (With weapons we will triumph) to highlight the political aspect of colonialism in terms of "survival of the fittest." She also remarked on the title's problematic political indications and the way it influences the decision-making process, "[t]he fact that the line "this land is mine" was taken up by many peoples in the video-clip gave us a breach to position ourselves and show that colonialism uses religion and weapons to legitimize its presence in Palestine." On the contrary, most translators (F5, F6, F7, F8, F9, F10, and M1) decided to display their cultural identification and orient the translation towards Muslim audience, thereby they translated the phrase as " " (With the help of Allah/Allah will help us). Owing to the fact that evaluating language directly engages with ideology and axiology with the outside world and inner world of the individual, the translators' choices evince how "[w]hen a new version of a text is produced for a new cultural context […] the basis of evaluation also shifts" (Munday 40). From this majority, F5 mentioned that the word Allah was used with the purpose of "switch[ing] the narrative being built in the video." Paley's objective, as noted earlier, is to highlight how this colonial struggle is part of a historical "holy war." In doing so, the meaning of Jihad and its Islamic connotations are lost in the original animation and replaced rather implicitly with the notion of colonial conquest to devalue Islam. However, as Baker comments, narratives can trigger different mental images: "histories can release different associations and details in the minds of one's immediate audience as well as the opponents that the evoked meta-narrative is meant to subdue or discredit. The Judeo-Christian vs Muslim war narrative, including the narrative of the Crusades, inevitably revives narratives of 'jihad'" (47). If we follow Baker's line of thought, some viewers can interpret the translators' manifestation of Islamic values as a potential proselytisation, and the translators might run the risk of incongruity because the visuals display a poly-religious tapestry rather than one monolithic religion. In Example 3, the animation ends climactically when the "Angel of Death" appears, "[t]he real hero of the Old Testament" as Paley asserts, and claims the land for "himself." Although the Angel of Death is represented as the incarnation of death and cumulative destruction, Arab audience will likely consider this episode blasphemous and contradictory to Islamic doctrines. Therefore, the majority of translators managed to manoeuvre over this visual symbol by other manipulative means. For instance, F1 translated "Until I die this land is mine" with the more literary and idiomatic expression " " (Let the shadow of death always hover around) which "is relevant to […] Arabic speaking community." In contrast, F4 substituted the religious symbolassociated with the inscribed pronoun "I"with the term "death" as in " " (Until death, this land is mine). This shift from the explicit to the implicit qualifies for an attitudinal token in which "death" conveys an evaluative realisation that is neither positive nor negative but still invites a form of opinionated evaluation. Likewise, translating the phrase as " " (This land, this land is mine) by F3 indicates attempts at establishing neutrality in translation. Here, the translator removed the symbolic significance of the Angel of Death and emphasised in turn the colonial setting. However, the majority of translators (F6, F7, F8, and F10) chose the phrase " " (Eventually, to Allah belongs [all] sovereignty), which is intertextually connected to the Quranic text (Surah 32, verse 11 [Say: "The Angel of Death, put in charge of you, will (duly) take your souls: then shall ye be brought back to your Lord."]; and Surah 40, verse 16 [The Day whereon they will (all) come forth: not a single thing concerning them is hidden from Allah. Whose will be the dominion that Day?" That of Allah, the One the Irresistible!]) and which negates the Angel of Death's portrayal as an autonomous entity. Thereby, the translators' rendition immediately signals their narrative location in the context of Islamic society and its alignment with the expectations of that society.

Translating the Verbal and Visual Codes as One Interconnected Entity
Munday maintains, "shifting reading position is almost inevitable because of the translator's position at the 'interstices' of intersubjective communication" (158). Because the verbal-visual signs propagate anti-Arab sentiments and misrepresent reality, such as making "Israeli occupation[al] forces and Palestinian opposition (e.g. Hamas) equal in terms of power" as one translator proposed. Hence, translators in category B "overturned" the ideology of the source text and presented instead resistant translations coloured by the translators' own cultural identity. As Table 2 exemplifies, the graduation of manipulation is heightened and the translators' interference is made more visible as a mean of "correction." It is interesting to note that all four translators unanimously translated the text poetically using rhyme schemes and three translators focused simultaneously on lipsynchrony "to ensure immersive viewing experience for the target audience." In the first translation in Example 4, M2 decided to keep the values of religious symbols latent in the translation and preferred to use " [Arabic]  " (Then, I see a land Blessed in length and breadth) combines elements of appreciation and judgement. The code "blessed land" is an inscribed appreciation echoing the Muslims' veneration of the land, and the expression "in length and breadth" adds a judgemental value that presupposes a shared basis with the target culture's ethics. " (Then, I see a land the occupier claims he brought peace to), it is clear how the reclamation of the land is semantically amplified. The possessive pronoun in "my land" marks the emergence of the "translator voice" in order to transform the meaning textually and narratively. The translator uses the term "occupier" to inscribe a negative judgement towards Israelis and vindicate the illegitimacy of their Zionist agenda. Moreover, M3 in Example 5 represents precisely how the positive appreciation of the original (i.e. "take my hand" and "lovely") is reversed in translation, within scope of the translator's affectual response to the original lyrics, to underline the tragic reality of Palestinethe translator's negative judgement is confirmed by inscriptions such as  The three examples found in Table 3 are internally linkedthey all explicitly chronicle the various entities and their respective deities. As her post-reflections indicate, she segmented the animation into two parts: the first echoes how "[e]ach nation believed that this land was given to them by their own 'God'" by focusing on the violence theme to portray how each religion provided a moral justification for warfare. In the second more contemporary part, the events were translated according to her beliefs by reflecting her attitude towards historical events and the opposing political entities. As a way of illustration, she writes: "[T]he British army and European Jewish migrants settled in Palestine as a result of Balfour Deceleration which led to an influx of Jewish migrants, which in turn became a flood with the rise of fascism in Europe. Also, I decided to present the view that Hamas and Hezbollah are part of the Islamic resistance and not terrorists." Signalling each entity by its own religion gives the viewer a sense of realism to the actual political upheaval and antagonism and as expressed, the translator's goal was to "weave a tapestry that carries the burden of both ancient and modern history of a land claimed to be holy by all invaders." F14 follows an approach similar to the previous one, except that the translator clarifies the ambiguity of the characters but from "a Palestinian viewpoint [that takes] into consideration an Arab ideology" to form a coherent narrative that follows the scene depicted and to imitate political disintegration. She summarises her approach in the following terms: "My translation was based on the source text's main idea and images. In other words, I relied on the visual images in the clip and tried to come up with a poem that summarizes the history of Palestine which synchronizes the visual scene." In Example 11, the explicit recognition of the land and the supplementary mention of Hittin (which alludes to Saladin's victory at the Battle of Hittin) are evaluative epithets that express, on the one hand, direct positive attitudes celebrating Islamic patrimony, and, on the other, the translator siding with the Palestinians. These attitudinal realisations of interpersonal meanings or inscriptions, as Martin and White attest, "tend to colour more of a text than their local grammatical environment circumscribes. The inscriptions act as signposts, in other words, telling us how to read the ideational selections that surround them"