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The expanding influence of Thai and its effects on cue redistribution in Kuy

  • Raksit T. Lau-Preechathammarach EMAIL logo
From the journal Linguistics Vanguard

Abstract

The effect of ability in a tonal language on shifting cue weights in a non-tonal language is explored through a production and perception experiment carried out with speakers of Kuy (Katuic, Austroasiatic) in Ban Khi Nak, Sisaket Province, in Northeast Thailand. Specifically, the realization of a modal-breathy voice quality contrast is analyzed through observing the effects of language ability and usage-related sociolinguistic factors. The results show increased usage of F0 and CPP cues in production and of F0 cues in perception of the voice quality contrast with greater ability and usage of a tonal language. Tonal language ability and usage also affects other acoustic correlates of voice quality, but does not uniformly weaken them. Degree of integration into Thai society shows mixed effects, only somewhat correlating with decay of voice quality cues. The results have bearing on the role of larger national and regional languages in restructuring of phonological contrasts and in phonological attrition, and provide insight into the relationship between multilingualism and sound change.


Corresponding author: Raksit T. Lau-Preechathammarach, Department of Linguistics, University of California Berkeley, Berkeley, USA, E-mail:

Acknowledgments

I would like to extend special thanks to all the Kuy speakers I worked with in Tambon Tum, especially Thongwilai Intanai and Sidawun Chaiyapha, without whom my work would not have been possible. I am also highly indebted to my mentees: Margaret Asperheim, Bethany Auclair, Renee Cong, Nicole Kim, Jenkin Leung, Melissa Milligan, Geetanshi Sharma, Melody Tran, Stacey Vu, Crystal Wang, Ivori White, and Cynthia Zhong for their tremendous hard work in annotating data for this project. Many thanks to Susan Lin, Andrew Garrett, Justin Davidson, Ron Sprouse, Isaac Bleaman, Pittayawat Pittayaporn, Suwilai Premsrirat, Marc Brunelle, James Kirby, Ryan Gehrmann, Sujinat Jitwiriyanont, Kumaree Laparporn, Atcharaporn Thawornpat, Meng Yang, Qingyang Wang, and Pisut Thongtan for help at various stages in this research and to the audiences in Berkeley Linguistics’ Phorum group and at LabPhon 17 for feedback on earlier versions of this work. Finally, I am extremely grateful to Christian DiCanio and two anonymous reviewers for detailed and thoughtful comments. I am greatly honored to be learning on the traditional, ancestral, and unceded lands of the Ohlone people.

  1. Research funding: This research was funded by the Oswalt Endangered Languages Grant from the Linguistics Department at the University of California, Berkeley (https://doi.org/10.13039/100006978) and the Lewis and Clark Fund for Exploration and Field Research from the American Philosophical Society (https://doi.org/10.13039/100013069). This research was approved by the Committee for Protection of Human Subjects at the University of California, Berkeley, including signatures of informed consent for collection of audio data. The research presents no more than minimal risk to and does not adversely affect the rights and welfare of subjects.

Appendix A: Stimuli in Experiment 1

Table A1:

Production Stimuli.

Targets Gloss Distractors Gloss
nchu:n ‘to hide’ buʔ ‘to sow’
c u ¨ :n ‘to send’ ncε: ‘louse’
ŋkε:ŋ ‘waist’ nchɑ:ʔ ‘hay’
k ε ¨ ‘side’ nchɔʔ ‘smelly’
ku: ‘to exist’ cntr ʌ ¨ ŋ ‘diligent’
k u ¨ : ‘every’ c ɤ ¨ :l ‘tiger’
lɑp ‘to return’ d a ¨ h ‘to bite (and break)’
l ɑ ¨ p (l ɑ ¨ p) ‘dusk’ daʔ ‘to place’
lu: ‘to howl’ khal ‘scooping bowl’
l u ¨ : ‘thigh’ k ʌ ¨ l ‘tree’
pho:m ‘fragrant’ kho:kho: ‘toasted rice’
mp o ¨ :m ‘just (now)’ k o ¨ : ‘cow’
pi:l ‘flower’ kt ɤ ‘season’
p i ¨ :l ‘to wind’ ŋk ʌ ŋ ‘eggplant’
po:t ‘swelling’ lmpa: ʔ ‘shoulder’
p o ¨ :t ‘too much’ mp e ¨ ‘mother’
pu:? ‘sun’ phlɯ:m ‘lightning’
p u ¨ :? ‘beard’ rmp a ¨ t ‘stick’
taʔ ‘to grab (from above)’ sεh ‘horse’
t a ¨ ? ‘to place under’ s ʌ ‘five’
tah ‘to divorce’ sŋki:l ‘sensitive’
t a ¨ h ‘to slap’ tmpo:m ‘that which is wrapped’
the: ‘jar’ ntɔ:l ‘star’
(n)te: ‘to tell’ ntrɑ:ŋ ‘red ant’
t e ¨ : ‘no’ thrε: ‘rice paddy’
ti: ‘old’ ntr ɛ ¨ :l ‘egg’
t i ¨ : ‘tall’ ntr i ¨ :m ‘shovel’
to:ŋ ‘coconut’
t o ¨ ‘male (animal)’
t(i a ¨ ŋ)pat ‘west’
tp a ¨ t ‘six’
Table A2:

Social factor correlation matrix for production experiment.

Age √(Years Away) Understand Speak Overall Freq Family Freq Friend Freq ID
Age 1.00
√(Years Away) −0.13 1.00
Understand 0.51 0.07 1.00
Speak 0.41 0.07 0.61 1.00
Overall Freq 0.33 −0.07 0.29 0.53 1.00
Family Freq −0.12 −0.07 −0.11 0.16 0.30 1.00
Friend Freq 0.55 −0.25 0.39 0.44 0.65 0.09 1.00
ID 0.05 −0.09 −0.04 0.17 0.22 0.08 0.09 1.00

Appendix B: Stop voice onset time differences

Figure A1 shows the distributions of the VOT values for unaspirated stops before modal vowels (n = 1,937, µ = 16.89, σ = 8.68), aspirated stops before modal vowels (n = 342, µ = 66.33, σ = 31.13), and stops before breathy vowels (n = 2,263, µ = 26.75, σ = 15.86). Differences between all three groups are significant (F2,4539 = 1,557, p < 0.001). Aspiration is neutralized before breathy vowels, with this analysis showing that the VOT is closer to pre-modal unaspirated stops (+9.86 ms) than to pre-modal aspirated stops (−39.58 ms). However, the results should be taken with caution as there are only three aspirated target words.

Figure A1: 
Boxplot of VOT distributions by consonant type.
Figure A1:

Boxplot of VOT distributions by consonant type.

Appendix C: PCA on social variables (Experiment 1)

The factors fed into the social variable PCA are in the correlation matrix in Table A2. These factors are explained below. The questions from which they are derived may be seen in Appendix G. The first component of the PCA accounts for 36.7% of the variance, comprising primarily of Friend Freq (22.37%), Speak (21.08%), Overall Freq (19.86%), Age (17.39%), and Understand (16.37%). A scree plot of the percentage of variance accounted for by each dimension is in Figure A2 and contributions of the social factors to the first dimension (Kuy Experience) are in Figure A3. Lower dimensions were unused because of difficulty of interpretability.

  1. Age: Participant’s age in years.

  2. √(Years Away): Years spent living in another (non-Kuy speaking) area. Square rooted to reduce heavy right skew.

  3. Understand: Ability to understand Kuy (coded from 0 to 4) minus ability to understand Thai or Lao (coded from 0 to 4; the higher ranking between the two languages is chosen).

  4. Speak: Ability to speak Kuy (coded from 0 to 4) minus ability to speak Thai or Lao (coded from 0 to 4; the higher ranking between the two languages is chosen).

  5. Overall Freq: Overall frequency of using Kuy (coded from 0 to 100) minus overall frequency of using Thai or Lao (coded from 0 to 100; the higher number between the two languages is chosen).

  6. Family Freq: Frequency of using Kuy with family (coded from 0 to 100) minus frequency of using Thai or Lao with family (coded from 0 to 100; the higher number between the two languages is chosen).

  7. Friend Freq: Frequency of using Kuy with friends (coded from 0 to 100) minus frequency of using Thai or Lao with friends (coded from 0 to 100; the higher number between the two languages is chosen).

  8. ID: Self-rating of Kuy identity (coded from 0 to 3) minus self-rating of Thai or Lao identity (coded from 0 to 3; the higher number between the two languages is chosen).

Table A3:

Voice quality factor correlation matrix for production experiment.

H1* –A1* H1* –A2* H1* –A3* H1* H1* –H2* CPP
H1*–A1* 1.00
H1*–A2* 0.69 1.00
H1*–A3* 0.58 0.56 1.00
H1* 0.40 0.44 0.51 1.00
H1*–H2* 0.12 0.23 0.11 0.47 1.00
CPP 0.06 −0.13 0.15 0.19 −0.20 1.00

Figure A2: 
Scree plot for PCA on social variables.
Figure A2:

Scree plot for PCA on social variables.

Figure A3: 
Contributions of social variables to Dimension 1 (Kuy Experience).
Figure A3:

Contributions of social variables to Dimension 1 (Kuy Experience).

Appendix D: PCA on voice quality variables (Experiment 1)

The factors fed into the voice quality PCA are in the correlation matrix in Table A3. These factors are explained below (an asterisk indicates correction via formulas by Iseli et al. (2007)). The first component of the PCA accounts for 45.34% of the variance, comprising primarily of H1*–A2* (25.09%), H1*–A1* (24.03%), H1*–A3* (23.30%), and H1* (21.07%). A scree plot of the percentage of variance accounted for by each dimension is in Figure A4 and contributions of the voice quality factors to the first dimension (H1*(–An*)) are in Figure A5. Lower dimensions were unused because of difficulty of interpretability or being primarily loaded on by one factor.

  1. H1*–A1*: Amplitude of the first harmonic minus amplitude of the loudest harmonic of the first formant, corrected; measure of spectral tilt.

  2. H1*–A2*: Amplitude of the first harmonic minus amplitude of the loudest harmonic of the second formant, corrected; measure of spectral tilt.

  3. H1*–A3*: Amplitude of the first harmonic minus amplitude of the loudest harmonic of the third formant, corrected; measure of spectral tilt.

  4. H1*: Amplitude of the first harmonic, corrected.

  5. H1*–H2*: Amplitude of the first harmonic minus amplitude of the second harmonic, corrected; correlate of open quotient.

  6. CPP: Cepstral peak prominence; measure of degree of periodicity and correlated with harmonics-to-noise ratio.

Table A4:

Perception stimuli Klatt parameters.

taʔ ti:
p1 (Power 1) 1 1
p2 (Power 2) 10 3
VOT 10 ms 15 ms
Duration 200 ms 400 ms
F1 begins at 800 Hz 350 Hz
F1 ends at 900 Hz 425 Hz
Midpoint F0 125 Hz 135 Hz

Figure A4: 
Scree plot for PCA on voice quality variables.
Figure A4:

Scree plot for PCA on voice quality variables.

Figure A5: 
Contributions of voice quality variables to Dimension 1 (H1*(–An*))
Figure A5:

Contributions of voice quality variables to Dimension 1 (H1*(–An*))

Appendix E: Stimuli in Experiment 2

In Table A4 are some relevant settings for the current stimuli. Readers may request the Praat script from the author. Stimuli were modified following multiple rounds of piloting until they were considered natural by listeners and until there was not a heavy bias towards modal or breathy responses. A VOT of 20 ms was originally used for both syllables as an intermediate value between the VOT of unaspirated stops preceding modal vowels and stops preceding breathy vowels, but this value led to a heavy bias towards breathy responses. As such, the VOT was reduced following the guidance of pilot participants.

Table A5:

Social factor correlation matrix for perception experiment.

Age √(Years Away) Understand Speak Overall Freq Family Freq Friend Freq ID
Age 1.00
√(Years Away) −0.26 1.00
Understand 0.54 −0.16 1.00
Speak 0.37 −0.04 0.44 1.00
Overall Freq 0.41 −0.11 0.33 0.40 1.00
Family Freq 0.13 −0.06 0.17 0.36 0.41 1.00
Friend Freq 0.61 −0.13 0.43 0.41 0.66 0.25 1.00
ID 0.13 −0.27 0.14 0.09 0.29 0.24 0.13 1.00

Appendix F: PCA on social variables (Experiment 2)

The factors fed into the social variable PCA are in the correlation matrix in Table A5. These factors are explained in Appendix C. The questions from which they are derived may be seen in Appendix G. The PCA revealed the first component accounting for 39.5% of the variance, comprising primarily of Friend Freq (20.31%), Overall Freq (18.80%), Age (17.48%), Understand (14.63%), and Speak (13.97%) and the second component accounting for 14.67% of the variance, comprising primarily of ID (46.33%) and Square Root Years Away (37.88%). A scree plot of the percentage of variance accounted for by each dimension is in Figure A6. Contributions of the social factors to the first (Kuy Experience) and second (Thai Integration) dimensions are in Figures A8 and A9 and the coordinates of each factor on the first two dimensions may be found in Figure A7, showing their orthogonality. Lower dimensions were unused because of difficulty of interpretability.

Figure A6: 
Scree plot for PCA on social variables.
Figure A6:

Scree plot for PCA on social variables.

Figure A7: 
Social factor contributions to dimensions 1 and 2
Figure A7:

Social factor contributions to dimensions 1 and 2

Figure A8: 
Contributions of social variables to Dimension 1 (Kuy Experience).
Figure A8:

Contributions of social variables to Dimension 1 (Kuy Experience).

Figure A9: 
Contributions of social variables to Dimension 2 (Thai integration).
Figure A9:

Contributions of social variables to Dimension 2 (Thai integration).

Appendix G: Demographic questionnaire (translated to English)

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Supplementary Material

The online version of this article offers supplementary material (https://doi.org/10.1515/lingvan-2021-0042).


Received: 2021-03-18
Accepted: 2021-03-25
Published Online: 2022-04-28

© 2021 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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