Abstract
In PIE, quality modifiers were expressed by stative verbs and nominal epithets, rather than by special adjectival lexemes. Adjectives did not form a separate lexical class. This made the encoding of the NP constituency less explicit. If we consider what I suggest calling “second-generation IE languages” we can observe a general tendency to create new, more explicit morphological means of dependency marking within a NP. The exact outcomes of this diachronic process vary from one language to another. However, if we parametrise the variation, a common pattern becomes clearly observable. In all the languages analysed in the present paper, there is a pronoun undergoing grammaticalisation as a dependency marker. What varies is (1) the position of this element with respect to the nominal base (pre- vs. postposed); (2) the degree of agglutination (bound morpheme vs. clitic vs. free morpheme); and (3) the locus of marking (head vs. modifier vs. double or alternant marking); (4) the source morpheme that undergoes grammaticalisation (relative vs. demonstrative pronoun).
5 Acknowledgments
I wish to thank my colleagues who kindly revised preliminary drafts of this paper providing invaluable feedback either on single linguistic examples, or on the paper in general, for instance: Claudia A. Ciancaglini, Alessandro del Tomba, Alessandro Papini, Irina Pekunova, Valerio Pisaniello, and Artūras Ratkus. My gratitude goes also to the anonymous PSiCL reviewers whose remarks helped me to correct regrettable mistakes and to refine the argumentation. As usual, the responsibility for any errors or deficiencies rests with me.
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