Human Skeletons, Grave Goods and Textual Sources: A Multidisciplinary Approach to Southwestern Switzerland’s Late Iron Age Communities through the Study of their Funerary Rites


 This paper’s primary focus is the investigation of Late Iron Age funeral practices. This is carried out by means of a multidisciplinary study of two necropolises, Randogne – Bluche and Sion – Parking des Remparts, which are located in southwestern Switzerland. The overall purpose of this paper is to enhance the socio-cultural understanding of this period through an integrated approach that combines the fields of bioanthropology, archaeology and ancient cultural history. Consequently, sex, age, pathologies and biological proximity first were assessed for the individuals found in the two studied necropolises. Next, data from these necropolises was contrasted with the archaeological and cultural environment from the surrounding regions. Finally, a combined perspective was developed in order to consider and combine the data collected through these different approaches. The obtained results appear to point to a regional particularism present in southwestern Switzerland’s funerary practices during the Late Iron Age. However, cultural influences from both northern and southern neighbouring regions can be identified in southwestern Switzerland’s funerary rites and material productions, which sheds light on the innerworkings of the Celtic communities populating this region.


Introduction and Aims: The study of two recently discovered necropolises as a pretext for a multidisciplinary reassessment of southwestern Switzerland's Late Iron Age communities through the study of their funerary rites
The following paper presents the results of a bioanthropological study and an analysis of funerary rites observed within two Late Iron Age1 necropolises in the mountainous Valais region, situated in southwestern Switzerland. It also compares the archaeological insight acquired with written accounts produced during Antiquity, in order to deepen our understanding of the functioning and organisation of Late Iron Age communities living in Valais.
More precisely, the two necropolises studied are located in Randogne, on a plot known as "Bluche 2000" (hereafter:"Randogne -Bluche") and in the medieval old town of Sion, at the "Espace des Remparts" (hereafter: "Sion -Parking des Remparts"). These two necropolises are situated on the territory recognised by several Antic authors, including Caesar, Pliny the Elder, Strabo and Livy (cf. below: section "Antique textual sources"), as well as by modern historians and scholars specialising in the study of Antiquity, as belonging to the Celtic community of the Seduni2.
This article demonstrates the significance and importance of these two cemeteries within the regional funerary landscape of the Valais region through the use of newly gathered and/or previously available bioanthropological, archaeological and historical data pertaining to these two necropolises and the funerary rites of the people buried there3. By doing so, this paper ultimately aims to deepen current knowledge of Late Iron Age communities with a regional focus on southwestern Switzerland. In this sense, the Bronze and both Iron Ages represent complex periods in European and Swiss archaeology, spanning over two millennia4; they were punctuated by technological innovations that led to significant changes in the social and economic fabric of this era. The dawn of metallurgy and the control of its production and diffusion resulted in the emergence of new social and economic elites and induced a strong segmentation of society5. At the same time, the production of metal and its trade led to continental mobility and dynamism previously unrivalled in the history of humankind6. Although this period is well understood on a global level, there are still many points that need to be examined more closely, in particular, at a regional level and considering smaller chronological intervals. This ap-1 Also known as the Second Iron Age or "La Tène" period in Continental Europe. 2 According to Caesar (Duval, transl.) 1981;Curdy et al. 1997Curdy et al. , 2009Curdy 2000;Curdy/Paccolat 2002;Kaenel 2009;Livy (Flobert, transl.) 1999;Strabo (Forbiger, transl.) 2005; Pliny the Elder (Schmitt, transl., 2013). 3 Curdy et al. 2009;Hofstetter 2018. 4 Otte 2002Jud/Kaenel 2005. 5 Birkhan 1997Buchsenschutz 2015. 6 Briard 1997Milisauskas 2002;Otte 2002;Jud/Kaenel 2005;Perrin 2006. proach draws its methodological legitimacy from the observation that to ensure the accuracy of the interpretation of a given period as a whole, it is essential to have a solid understanding of the local and short/mid-term dynamics leading to large-scale transformations7.

General Context and Problematic:
The evolution of funerary rites in Valais during the Iron Ages and understanding the implications that stem from it On the basis of the previously exposed methodological considerations, we will present the current state of knowledge regarding Iron Age funerary rites in Valais. Incidentally, this region provides an exceptional continuity of funeral structures extending without almost any interruption from the middle of the Neolithic to the Early Middle Ages (especially the Sion necropolis -Sous-le-Scex)8. More specifically, for the protohistoric period and the Early Iron Age (or "Hallstatt" period), the numerous necropolises found within this region constitute a privileged source of information on funeral rites9. These practices can be summarised as follows: the deceased are usually buried in tombs situated under mounds (known as "tumuli"). Today, the latter are almost entirely eroded, and it is also worth mentioning that the large majoritý of them present a built peripheral stone rim, which usually allows for their identification in excavations. In general, there is a so-called "main" tomb, which roughly occupies the centre of the burial mound, while a series of "secondary" tombs can be found in its immediate vicinity. The overall architecture of these different kinds of tombs is relatively homogeneous. They are generally pit tombs and do not display any preferential orientation. These pits are stabilised laterally by slate slabs, while a cover slab, also made of slate, closes the tomb. In terms of funerary rituals, the burials are almost exclusively individual, and the bodies are deposited either directly in the earth or in a coffin, believed to be monoxyl, as suggested by some traces of preserved wood. The deceased almost exclusively lay flat on their back, with minor variations observable in the position of the upper or lower limbs. Additionally, a non-negligible number of Early Iron Age burials stand out due to the richness of the grave goods they contain. In addition to objects made of iron, such as knives, razors or swords, and ceramics (bowls and other containers), some tombs contain precious gold artifacts, such as necklaces and other pendants, rings, bracelets and clothing accessories (pins or fibulas) made of bronze, or ornaments made of lignite. The exceptional richness of these burials crystallises the social importance of the deceased contained within10.
As far as Late Iron Age funerary practices are concerned, the different currently known necropolises in Valais provide us with information on the treatment of the deceased during this period. Thus, we know that these funerary practices mainly are characterised by visually less ostentatious individual burials11. The bodies almost exclusively are placed in a wooden container (board assembly or monoxyl coffin). Moreover, the burials display a relatively constant orientation to the northeast/southwest, while the bodies strictly are deposited lying flat on their backs (with the notable exception of a select few graves, cf. below), while minor variations are observable in the position of the upper and lower limbs. Grave goods mainly take the form of clothing accessories made of iron or bronze (mainly fibulae) and, more rarely, the deceased wear ankle rings or bronze bracelets. The dead usually are also offered a piece of pottery located at the back of their heads12.
In short, one observes a shift from visually ostentatious graves during the Early Iron Age to more sober tombs during the Late Iron Age. However, this visually more egalitarian treatment of the dead during the Second Iron Age should not obscure the fact that a hierarchy amongst the dead, and by extension amongst the living, also existed during the Second Iron Age13. This observation constitutes the central problematic of this article, along with the fact that these funerary rites tend to evidence a certain cultural exceptionality. As explored below, Late Iron Age burials in Valais tend to distinguish themselves by the richness of their grave goods (even if they appear to be less richly endowed than their counterparts from the Early Iron Age). In parallel, these graves also display specific funerary rites, which reflect an archaeologically perceptible region-alism14. At the same time, they also show strong links with neighbouring regions, particularly those located to the north and south of the Alps15. Hence, studying funerary rites in combination with historical sources appears to be a legitimate and interesting way to develop a better understanding of the behaviour and lifestyles of Valais' Late Iron Age populations. This applies all the more in the specific case of Alpine and perialpine Celtic communities, as the latter are known essentially thanks to the archaeological investigations of their burials and funerary rites16.

Methodology
Bioanthropologically speaking, our first aim was the elaboration of a biological identity for each individual unearthed in both necropolises under investigation. This was done in terms of sex17 and age at death for both adults18 and immature subjects19. Furthermore, every individual was analysed for pathologies and non-metric dental and skeletal variations, according to observation standards developed respectively by Crubézy and Sellier20, Crubézy et al.21, Barnes22 and Verna23 for cranial and post-cranial non-metric variation recording, Turner et al.24, Scott and Turner25, Alt26, Alt and Türp27 and Hillson28 for dental non-metric variation, as well as Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin29, Beauthier30 and Quatrehomme31 for pathological description and recording.
Afterwards, this elaborated dataset was compared to written accounts from Antique textual sources in order to draw inferences from the socio-cultural dimension of the analysed funerary practices.

Archaeological data
The first scientific investigations of Late Iron Age archaeological sites in Valais date back to the 19 th century. Currently, a total of 11 necropolises, comprising a total of 85 individuals and spanning from 470 BC to 25 BC, are known to exist in Valais (Figure 1)32.
The present article focuses on the latest two discov-ered33: the necropolis of Randogne -Bluche ( Figure 2), comprising 21 graves (13 inhumation and 8 cremation graves), which were unearthed between 2001 and 2005, on a rocky outcrop above the Rhône river valley (referred to as the "Montana Plateau"), at an altitude of over 1200 metres above sea level; and Sion -Parking des Remparts (Figure 3), comprising 12 inhumation graves, which were discovered near the Rhône river, in the modern town of Sion, at an altitude of 500 metres above sea level. The two necropolises are located 15 kilometres apart and have been thoroughly archaeologically investigated34.
Our primary focus was the study of the inhumation graves, as the cremations yielded only small amounts of extremely fragmented and strongly calcinated human remains. Nevertheless, the discovery of a few pottery shards and caligulae nails, enabled us to date them to the Augustan (27 BC to 14 AD) or the Tiberian period (14 AD to 37 AD); a fact that suggests the possibility of continued use or re-use of this Second Iron Age necropolis during early Antiquity35.
Taking into account only the inhumation graves, one observes that they share similarities in terms of architecture and funerary treatment; all the graves are set in oblong 32 Curdy et al. 2009;Curdy et al. 2010;Curdy et al. 2012. 33 The case of the other necropolises from Valais which are dated to the Second Iron Age (i. e. Sion-Petit Chasseur, Don Bosco, St-Guérin, Passage de la Matze, Ancienne et Nouvelle Placette, Rue de Lausanne, Sous-le-Scex, Crypte de la Cathédrale and Bramois-Pranoé) is discussed in depth in Curdy et al. 2009 andHofstetter 2018. In this sense, this article deals only with the most recent ones to have been uncovered. 34 Mariéthoz et al. 2002;Mariéthoz/Paccolat 2005;Antonini 2007;Curdy et al. 2009. 35 Mariéthoz et al. 2002Mariéthoz/Paccolat 2005;Antonini 2007;Hofstetter 2020. pits (2 metres in length, 1 metre in width and 1.5 metres in depth), following a northeast/southwest orientation and show little to no signs of surface markings. Corner stones are found in certain cases, possibly to stabilise the wooden monoxyl coffins into which the individuals were deposited. Furthermore, all individuals were found in a dorsal decubitus position, with their hands either folded over the pelvic region or stretched alongside the hipbones36.
The main observable difference between these two necropolises is the spatial organisation of the graves, since in the Randogne -Bluche graves are loosely distributed (1 grave per 50 m 2 ) over a 750 m 2 rectangular shaped area, whilst in Sion -Parking des Remparts, they are located close together (1 grave per 10 m 2 ) on a square shaped area no bigger than 100 m 2 . The other observable difference between these two necropolises is the variation in grave goods' frequency (the quantity of items per grave) and distribution (the quantity of graves equipped with grave 36 Mariéthoz et al. 2002;Mariéthoz/Paccolat 2005;Antonini 2007. goods). In Randogne -Bluche, six graves are equipped with a total of 29 objects; most of which are of a decorative or luxury nature (n = 15), such as bronze arm and leg rings, followed by clothing accessories (n = 6), such as fibulas and belt buckles as well as ceramic vessels (n = 3) and some small unidentifiable metallic artifacts (n = 5). Conversely, in Sion -Parking des Remparts, eight graves are equipped with a total of 23 objects, which are primarily clothing accessories (n = 15), followed by decorative or luxury items and pieces (n = 6) and ceramic vessels (n = 2). Therefore, grave good frequency is higher in Randogne -Bluche, whereas grave good distribution is higher in Sion -Parking des Remparts. Crosschecking the distribution of grave goods with bioanthropological data evidenced that women, men and children were not given the same type or combinations of objects. Furthermore, this particular standardisation of the way in which grave goods were distributed amongst the deceased appears to be specific to certain Iron Age populations of southwestern Switzerland. This claim is supported by the  recurrence of this distribution scheme, which has been observed in numerous other Late Iron Age necropolises in this area (e. g. the Sion -Sous-le-Scex, Petit-Chasseur and Don Bosco funerary sites (Figure 4))37. In typological terms, the study of these grave goods indicates the existence of an indigenous cultural signature, embodied by the presence of locally produced arm and leg rings known as "anneaux de cheville à tête de serpents" (which translates as "snake-headed leg-rings") ( Figure 5), as well as a particular form of indigenous ceramic production ( Figure 6). However, hints of cultural exchanges with neighbouring regions also can be identified. The latter are evidenced by the fairly parallel evolution of fibulas and belt buckles, as well as their presence in graves on both the northern and southern flanks of the alpine mountainous ridge. Furthermore, the discovery of various Roman and/or northern Italian coins and ceramics in certain excavated graves (eg. grave number 2 (UTtr4) at the Sion -Parking des Remparts necropolis, grave number 4 at the Sion -Petit-Chasseur 37 Curdy et al. 2009;Curdy et al. 2010;Curdy et al. 2012. necropolis and the westernmost grave of the Sion -Don Bosco necropolis) also provides solid material evidence to support the existence of such cultural exchanges38.

Bioanthropological data
Concerning the individuals unearthed in Randogne -Bluche (n = 13), bioanthropological analysis reveals a major sex imbalance. Males (n = 5) make up 40 % of the sample, whilst only one female individual has been identified. Likewise, one observes a complete absence of immature subjects; age at death among the adult population could not be more precisely defined (Figure 7). Palaeopathological analysis reveals a high occurrence rate of dental caries and abscesses (n = 6 individuals concerned), as well as bone fractures (n = 2 individuals concerned) and osteophytic    activity on the axial skeleton (n = 2 individuals concerned). The study of non-metrical variation in both teeth and bones presents a homogeneous population within which specific subgroups cannot be defined more precisely.
Regarding the individuals unearthed in Sion -Parking des Remparts (n = 12), osteological analysis shows a similar overrepresentation of males (n = 5), accounting for 42 % of the population sample. Even so, females (n = 2) are slightly better represented than in the previous case. As far as age at death is concerned, one observes the presence of three immature subjects, ranging in age from 5 to 19 years, and nine adults, ranging in age from 20 to 59 years ( Figure  8). Palaeopathological analysis points out the same predominance of dental caries and abscesses (n = 7 individuals concerned), and more generally speaking, rather poor oral hygiene. Non-specific metabolic stress markers39 also have been observed, in the form of linear enamel hypoplasia (n = 6 individuals concerned), Harris lines on lower limb bones (n = 5 individuals concerned) and porotic hyperostosis of the orbital roof (known as cribra orbitalia) (n = 3 individuals concerned). Among these individuals, one half (n = 3) is affected by every enunciated stress marker40. Furthermore, osteophytic activity on the axial skeleton, as well as isolated trauma lesions, was documented in three further individuals (n = 3).
An individual (PR06-T12-UT109) showing severe upper and lower limb dysplasia, associated with bilateral scapular osteochondropathy and a possible tibular osteochondrosis, was diagnosed with severe metabolic disorder, possibly a rare type of lysosomal storage disease or a form of pseudoachondroplasia resulting in severe and multiple skeletal dysplasia (Figure 9)41. As a side note, this individual illustrates the fact that Late Iron Age society, at least in some cases, cared for its most disadvantaged individuals. The pathologies of this individual in all likelihood would not have allowed him to live independently and yet he was granted a place in an "ordinary" necropolis and buried according to standard funerary practice. This is all the more noteworthy, since it is known that special burials existed, especially in the case of armed individuals; burials in which the deceased was buried in a procubitus position (lying on the face), which has been widely interpreted as a sign of social dishonour or disgrace42.
In general, the individuals in Sion -Parking des Remparts appear on average to have been less healthy than their counterparts in Randogne -Bluche. In terms of non-metrical variation, both in teeth and bones, this group again is very homogeneous, rendering it difficult to identify specific subgroups, and closely resembles the population buried in Sion -Parking des Remparts.

Antique textual sources
Antique textual sources represent the next dataset on Late Iron Age societies and their funerary rites considered in this study. This topic is relatively well documented, since different Antique authors, such as Caesar, Pausanias, Pliny the Elder, Livy and Strabo43, provide cultural insights into southwestern Switzerland's societies during the Late Iron Age. Even though not all of these written sources are primary in nature, and most surely depict a partially romanticised vision of these communities, a certain number of recurrences can be identified within this literary sample. Notably, they all point out the fact that what is known as present-day Valais, was populated by four different Celtic communities: the Nantuati in the far west; the Veragri in the west; the Seduni in the east; and the Uberi in the far east44. By way of illustration, we present below Caesar's description of southwestern Switzerland's communities in his work De Bello Gallico.
"When Caesar was setting out for Italy, he sent Servius Galba with the twelfth legion and part of the cavalry, against the Nantuates, the Veragri, and Seduni, who extend from the territories of the Allobroges, and the lake of Geneva, and the River Rhône to the top of the Alps" C. Iulius Caesar,De Bello Gallico,Book 3,Chapter 1 (Gilliver K,trans.) It appears that although they share a common cultural background (described below) due to the fact that they all are part of the Celtic sphere, these communities tended to develop cultural specificities, which manifested in material (e. g. ceramic and decorative or luxury items productions) and immaterial ways (e. g. different ritual practices). However, these cultural specificities also tended to be partially overridden by the ongoing commercial exchanges that took place between these different communities and 43 Freeman 1994;Toynbee 1996;Birkhan 1997;Miguelez 1993;Curdy 2000;Collis 2003;Curdy et al. 2009;Kaenel 2009;Curdy et al. 2010. 44 Müller et al. 1999Curdy et al. 2009;Curdy et al. 2010.   the southern Roman territories, as well as the northern regions of Europe45.
Socially speaking, according to these Antique textual sources, Celtic society was patrilineal, strongly hierarchised and led by an aristocratic-like kinfolk. Based on these sources, it appears that the higher castes included, amongst others, a form of mystical leaders called "druids" and armed cavaliers (or "knights"), whilst the remaining majority of the population essentially was composed of farmers, artisans (e. g.: blacksmiths or potters) and slaves46. In his De Bello Gallico, Casear presents druids as follows: "Throughout all Gaul there are two orders of those men who are of any rank and dignity: for the commonality is held almost in the condition of slaves, and dares to undertake nothing of itself, and is admitted to no deliberation. The greater part, when they 45 Kaenel 1994;Kaenel 2009;Müller et al. 1999;Curdy et al. 2009. 46 Freeman 1994Birkhan 1997;Müller et al. 1999;Curdy 2000;Collis 2003;Curdy et al. 2009;Kaenel 2009. are pressed either by debt, or the large amount of their tributes, or the oppression of the more powerful, give themselves up in vassalage to the nobles, who possess over them the same rights without exception as masters over their slaves. But of these two orders, one is that of the Druids, the other that of the knights. The former are engaged in things sacred, conduct the public and the private sacrifices, and interpret all matters of religion. To these a large number of the young men resort for the purpose of instruction, and they [the Druids] are in great honor among them. For they determine respecting almost all controversies, public and private […]" C. Iulius Caesar,De Bello Gallico,Book 6,Chapter 13 (Gilliver K,trans.) Knights, as previously exposed have been archaeologically identified as such in a certain number of graves within Second Iron Age necropolises in the Alpine and peri-Alpine regions47. They are generally well endowed with weapons and grave goods which suggests that they belonged to a form of social elite. In his work De Bello Gallico, Caesar presents these knights as follows: "The other order is that of the knights. These, when there is occasion and any war occurs (which before Caesar's arrival was for the most part wont to happen every year, as either they on their part were inflicting injuries or repelling those which others inflicted on them), are all engaged in war. And those of them most distinguished by birth and resources, have the greatest number of vassals and dependents about them. They acknowledge this sort of influence and power only." C. Iulius Caesar,De Bello Gallico,Book 6,Chapter 15 (Gilliver K,trans.) Caesar also provides a detailed account of the patrilinear functioning of Celtic society, as well as the ranking of individuals according to their gender and social origin: "Husbands have power of life and death over their wives as well as over their children: and when the father of a family, born in a more than commonly distinguished rank, has died, his relations assemble, and, if the circumstances of his death are suspicious, hold an investigation upon the wives in the manner adopted toward slaves; and, if proof be obtained, put them to severe torture, and kill them." C. Iulius Caesar,De Bello Gallico,Book 6,Chapter 19 (Gilliver K,trans.) Thus, similarly to what is known about Roman culture, social thresholds based on gender and age also seem to exist in Celtic society48. It appears that children and teenagers were granted an intermediate social status in com-  parison to adults, who enjoy full citizenship, and very young subjects, to whom no ordinary social status was granted, at least when it came to funerary rights and tradition. Similar restrictions also probably applied to slaves49.
Finally, the importance of funerals within Celtic society is also highlighted by Caesar. Furthermore, his description of Celtic funeral ceremonies offers an interpretative clue as to the purpose of grave goods dotation and textually reveals the existence of the practice of cremation in the Celtic communities (in addition to inhumation burials, which are the most frequently attested archaeologically speaking)50: "Their funerals, considering the state of civilization among the Gauls, are magnificent and costly; and they cast into the fire all things, including living creatures, which they suppose to have been dear to them when alive" C. Iulius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, Book 6, Chapter 19 (Gilliver K, trans.)

Data analysis
An important preliminary observation to keep in mind is the small number of individuals unearthed, both in terms of the historical period and geographical area. A possible explanation for this phenomenon is the archaeological state of knowledge. Most of these necropolises were unearthed fortuitously during preventive fieldwork operations, and not according to a pre-elaborated prospecting plan, leaving a number of blank spots on the archaeological map. A second plausible explanation has to do with the socio-cultural nature of Late Iron Age communities, which may have guaranteed access to burial in a given necropolis only to a certain fraction of the population (a technicality known as funerary recruitment). Realistically, the phenomenon is likely attributable in part to both hypotheses. Nonetheless, this observation and its possible consequences should be kept in mind during the following analytical section51.
Even so, the archaeological and bioanthropological data, the strict similarities in grave architecture, funerary treatment, grave goods typology in both necropolises, as 49 Freeman 1994;Toynbee 1996;Birkhan 1997;Müller et al. 1999;Collis 2003;Curdy et al. 2009;Kaenel 2009. 50 Müller et al. 1999Curdy et al. 2009;Debard 2020;Debard et al. 201951 Müller et al. 1999Curdy et al. 2009;Curdy et al. 2010;Curdy et al. 2012. well as biological proximity of the individuals indicate a possible link between the two sites at stake. If one looks at the same data collected in the contemporary surrounding necropolises in Valais, one observes again the same architecture, funerary practices, grave goods and biological proximity of the individuals, leaving one to conclude that the entirety of this corpus probably is the result of the funerary practices of a single community that occupied the western portion of Valais52. Furthermore, according to previous studies (Curdy et al. 2009;Curdy et al. 2012), certain leg rings found as grave goods in most of these necropolises, as well as their standardised allocation to women, men and children, seem to be a specific cultural marker for this region of Valais. Therefore, building on previously mentioned ancient historical data, we can go on to say that these necropolises probably all are the work of the Seduni community53.
Further insight into Seduni funerary rites, and by extension, Seduni society, can be reached through analysing the differences observed between the two necropolises in question. Here, their respective geographical locations are of interest; the Randogne -Bluche necropolis is located at a high altitude on an isolated plateau, whilst Sion -Parking des Remparts necropolis is located at the bottom of the upper Rhône valley. If one compares these locations with those of the other Second Iron Age necropolises known in Valais, then it clearly appears that Randogne -Bluche is an exception; all other funerary sites are concentrated within a three-kilometre-wide circle. Other aspects, including the spatial organisation of the graves, which is loose in Randogne -Bluche and compact in the other necropolises, also confirm that Randogne -Bluche is an exception when compared to the other necropolises. Bioanthropologically speaking, it also is the necropolis showing the greatest deficit of both women and children. As far as grave goods are concerned, the individuals of Randogne -Bluche on average are endowed more richly than those in the other necropolises making up the locally currently known La Tène funerary corpus. Conversely, it is also the necropolis where richness is concentrated amongst the fewest individuals. Lastly, when it comes to occurrence of stress markers, the individuals from Randogne -Bluche are among the least stressed individuals of the currently known corpus. In addition to data obtained from the study of La Tène necropolises in Valais, results of a study conducted by Debard et al.54 on the socio-economic conditions 52 Curdy et al. 2009;Curdy et al. 2012. 53 Müller et al. 1999Mariéthoz et al. 2002;Mariéthoz/Paccolat 2005;Antonini 2007;Curdy et al. 2009;Hofstetter 2018. 54 Debard 2020Debard et al. 2019. of Late Iron Age communities in western Switzerland also should be considered. This study showed that individuals displaying the least amount of metabolic stress markers (in the form of Harris lines) and pathologies, were also the ones presenting the most wealth in terms of grave goods (mostly armed men and women entombed with coins, decorative or luxury items). Furthermore, a socio-gendered discrimination seems to have also existed55.
In addition, the parallel consideration of Antique textual sources brings clarity to previously exposed archaeological and bioanthropological observations. Given the generally hierarchical nature of Late Iron Age society56, one can advance the theory that the exceptional status of the Randogne -Bluche necropolis might be due to the existence of an identical social stratification system in the Celtic funerary world. Therefore, individuals buried in Randogne -Bluche, who on average appear wealthier and healthier than the rest of the surrounding population, probably belonged to the upper classes of the Late Iron Age society of southwestern Switzerland. It should be emphasised that the origins of this wealth probably lay in southwestern Switzerland's location on important trade routes connecting the regions north of the Alps to the Roman territories and commercial partners further afar. This wealth manifests itself amongst the local populations in the form of precious decorative or luxury grave goods (such as fibulae, arm and leg bracelets) and valuable imported goods (such as richly decorated ceramics)57. Furthermore, the quasi-absence of immature and very young subjects (even though one would expect evidence of the very high infant mortality that characterised prevaccine societies) can be interpreted as being the result of the application of the social threshold system to the funerary world. Their civil status not being equivalent to that of older children, teenagers and adults, very young individuals had to be buried elsewhere. According to archaeological data gathered from Late Iron Age dwelling sites58, very young subjects mainly seem to be buried in domestic contexts, whilst children and teenagers sometimes are buried in adult necropolises, as the Sion -Parking des Remparts necropolis perfectly illustrates. The latter observation also is substantiated by Debard et al.59, who identified and analysed further child and teenager inhumation burials in the necropolises of both 55 Debard 2020. 56 Birkhan 1997: Müller et al. 1999Curdy et al. 2010;Moghaddam et al. 2016;Moghaddam et al. 2018. 57 Kaenel 1994Curdy et al. 2009;Curdy et al. 2010;Curdy et al. 2012. 58 Müller et al. 1997Curdy et al. 2009;Blaizot et al. 2003. 59 Debard 2020Debard et al. 2019. Sion -Sous-le-Scex and Sion -Petit-Chasseur (as well as in necropolises situated outside of the geographical range of this research, such as Ollon -St-Triphon, Lausanne -Vidy and Bern -Engehalbinsel).

Conclusions and Outlook
In conclusion, we wish to reflect on the implications of further research into the previously discussed understanding of Late Iron Age society as seen through funerary rites in Southwestern Switzerland, as well as the broader chronological and geographical perspective.
Our data point to the existence of local specificities of funerary rites in southwestern Switzerland. Although all the data indicate that the studied population easily can be integrated and assimilated into the overall known panorama of Celtic society as a whole, they point to a specific set of material, bioanthropological and socio-cultural characteristics that enable us to distinguish the populations under study from neighbouring communities north and south of the Alps. Nevertheless, cultural influences from the same neighbouring communities also can be identified. Furthermore, it should be noted that similar studies on the same topic, mobilising notably isotopic analysis, undertaken on Early to Late Iron Age necropolises from the northern Alpine flank tend to show similar results and further hint at the importance of armed cavaliers and other affluent members within Celtic society60.
On the whole, such studies, including the present article, tend to show the complex dynamics linking the evolution of social practices and society as a whole. This further demonstrates the need for a broad multidisciplinary analysis of social phenomena, as well as the importance of considering, whenever possible, corpuses in adjoining areas, in order to define the socio-cultural constants of a given region.
Acknowledgement of this fact is of central importance, since Late Iron Age continental Europe still tends to be dichotomised into two homogeneous yet antagonistic realms; that of civilisation, embodied by Roman culture, and that of the barbarian world, embodied mostly by Celtic culture61. As this study demonstrates, there is a lot of space for local specificities within these two antagonistic realms, some of which still are archaeologically observable today. Therefore, the most significant point brought forward by this case study is that apparent socio-cultural unity within a given area does not de facto mean that every population within the considered area necessarily has exactly the same cultural specificities62. Rather, one should understand socio-cultural unity as being the equilibrium between the shared cultural background noise of human communities living close to each other and the expression of their own cultural specificities63.