Published since January 1, 1892

Indogermanische Forschungen

Zeitschrift für Indogermanistik und historische Sprachwissenschaft / Journal of Indo-European Studies and Historical Linguistics

ISSN: 1613-0405

Edited by: Benjamin W. Fortson, Götz Keydana, Melanie Malzahn, Paul Widmer

Impact Factor: 0.462

About this journal

Indogermanische Forschungen publishes contributions mainly in the areas of historical-comparative linguistics, historical linguistics, typology and characteristics of the languages of the Indogermanic language family. Essays on non-Indogermanic languages are also featured, provided that they coincide with the main focus of the journal with respect to methods and language history.

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Topics

Volume 126 Issue 1

November 2021

Publicly Available December 10, 2021

Titelei

Page range: I-IV

Download PDF

December 10, 2021

Vorwort

Page range: V-VI

Publicly Available December 10, 2021

Inhalt

Page range: VII-VIII

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December 10, 2021

Periphrastic passive and resultative in Hittite and Proto-Indo-European

Andrey Shatskov

Page range: 1-20

Abstract

There are several ways to express passive meaning in ancient Indo- European languages, one of them being periphrastic constructions. This paper argues that periphrastic passives in these languages developed from earlier object-oriented resultative constructions, which can be reconstructed for the proto-language as well.

December 10, 2021

The history of Old English būgian and bōgian ʻdwellʼ, and some related morphonological problems

Aurelijus Vijūnas

Page range: 21-52

Abstract

In this article, an alternative historical analysis of the Old English verbs būgian and bōgian is presented, whereby it is suggested that they are relatively late formations. The verb *bū̆wōja- (> būgian) evolved out of the verb *bū̆wa- (> būan) during the Proto-Northwest Germanic era by way of a paradigmatic split. The vowel ū̆ in the root of *bū̆wōja- was subject to assimilatory lowering due to the influence of the following non-high vowels: the lowering of the root vowel produced the stem *bō̆wōja- (> OE bogian). It is argued here that the vowel /u/ was susceptible to lowering in this environment because in the sequence -V(w)V-, it was phonetically short (phonologically, it was length-neutral in this position).

December 10, 2021

Die karische Endung -τ

Zsolt Simon

Page range: 53-64

Abstract

Zusammenfassung Based on the contextual analysis of the Carian inscription from Hyllarima (C.Hy 1) this paper argues that the Carian nominal ending - τ is neither genitive plural nor dative plural as previously proposed but ablative. This is supported both by its phonological history and its other attestions.

December 10, 2021

The Baltic *-ā́-illative

Norbert Ostrowski

Page range: 65-84

Abstract

The Lithuanian-Latvian illative was formed from the IE accusativus directivus and the local postposition *-ā́. Traces of the postponed *-ā́ have been preserved in yrà ‘is, are; OLith. there is, there are’ < *ī-r-ā́, and Lith. čià ‘here’ < *tj-ā́. Typologically, the Baltic illative can be compared to Greek derivatives with -δε, e.g. οἴκα-δε ‘homewards; at home’. As for the origin of the postponed *-ā́, two hypotheses can be formulated: 1. *-ā́ comes from the IE allative postposition *-eh₂ (see Hajnal 1992); 2. *-ā́ boils down to the instr. sg. of the anaphoric pronoun *h₁o-h₁. The primary illative plural ended in -s-ā́, e.g. OLith. (debesisa) ‘into heaven’. The postposition -na, which can be found e.g. in the ill. pl. miškúosna ‘into forests’, is an innovation resulting from reanalysis of the acc. sg. *-n + *-ā́ → *-nā́. The neutralisation of the privative opposition inessive : illative originally comprised an area much larger than today’s and included the West Aukštaitian dialect. The starting point of this neutralisation was plural forms. This primary state of affairs has remained until the present day in East Aukštaitian in the north from the line Raguva-Ukmergė-Molėtai-Salakas, where inessive sg. and illative sg. are distinguished, but inessive pl. and illative pl. are not, due to apocope of the final vowel, i.e. píevos ‘on meadows’ (= iness. pl. píevose) alongside píevos ‘onto meadows’ (= ill. pl. píevosna) (Zinkevičius 1966: 201). In the privative opposition inessive : illative, the illative form derived from the IE accusative of direction is the marked member of the opposition.

December 10, 2021

Small-scale patterns in a larger picture

The loss of feature specifications in the Balkan Slavic pronominal system

Barbara Sonnenhauser, Anastasia Escher

Page range: 85-106

Abstract

Telling apart family-internal developments from contact-induced changes and socio-geographically conditioned areal trends is still one of the main challenges in tracing the development - and stability - of languages. Notably prima facie contact phenomena might turn out to have resulted from the interaction of a variety of sources upon closer inspection; assessing their interaction is a crucial requirement for comprehending the dynamics of change. Based on the example of simplification patterns in the system of short personal pronouns observed in the Balkan Slavic dialects located in the territory of North Macedonian and Greece, the present paper illustrates the necessity of identifying the multiplicity of triggers and their interaction, thereby making a case for the relevance of small-scale, transient patterns in understanding diachronic processes. In particular, it places the simplifications within the pronominal system into the larger context of differential object indexing by preverbal pronominal elements in the Balkan languages. With the loss of agreement distinctions on pronouns being characteristic for the last phase in the emergence of object indexing, both processes appear to be closely related. Obviously, in this case, the convergence of various different processes has created a favorable environment for the mutual reinforcement and stabilization of two otherwise highly volatile phenomena.

December 10, 2021

Murmur, heat and bonds – on some words of magic and healing

Daniel Kölligan

Page range: 107-134

Abstract

The paper argues that a) Germanic *tauf/ƀra- (Germ. Zauber, etc.) is related to a root PIE *deu̯p- ‘beat; make a hollow sound, resound’ found in Greek δοῦπος ‘thud’, etc., b) Greek φάρμακον goes back to the root PIE *gʷʰer- ‘heat’ (Gk. θερμός, etc.) implying healing by fomentation, and c) Armenian hiwand ‘sick’, borrowed from Iranian, to PIE *sh₂ei̯- ‘bind’ relying on the notion of disease as a supernatural bond.

December 10, 2021

A note on Vedic cīti-

Daniel Kölligan

Page range: 135-140

Abstract

Vedic cīti-, attested in the Atharvaveda, is argued to be related to Av. ṣ̌āitī-, OP šiyāti- ‘happiness’ built to PIE *kʷi̯eh₁- ‘to (come to) rest’.

December 10, 2021

A functional discourse approach to the particle ἀτάρ in Classical Greek

Clara Lacerda Crepaldi

Page range: 141-166

Abstract

Taking into consideration both discourse structure and the pragmatics of contrast, this paper draws on Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG) to provide a comprehensive and unified account of ἀτάρ in Classical Greek. In classical Greek drama, the particle ἀτάρ designates two main types of contrast. In its most common usage, it marks a discourse contrast, a boundary in conversational structure, such as the beginning of a new exchange or adjacency pair. More specifically, ἀτάρ can signal a change of addressee; the introduction of a new topic or new visual focus; or an abrupt thematic discontinuity such as an interruption. Moreover, ἀτάρ can also mark denial of expectation, especially when preceded by a preparatory μέν. When expressing counterexpectation, the particle instructs the addressee to process the next discourse segment in such a way as to contradict or eliminate some piece of information possibly inferred from the preceding segment. Very similarly, the classical prose of Herodotus, Plato and Xenophon shows analogous usages of ἀτάρ, namely, as a boundary between larger portions of discourse with or without thematic discontinuity, or as a marker of denial of expectation between acts and moves.

December 10, 2021

The Hieroglyphic Luwian genitive case

The synchronic distribution of the endings -as(a) and -asi

Axel I. Palmér

Page range: 167-204

Abstract

Descriptions of Hieroglyphic Luwian grammar assert that the genitive endings ‑as(a) and ‑asi are interchangeable; their distribution is said to be random rather than governed by any conditioning factor. However, recent studies have shown that the ending ‑asi is geographically and chronologically restricted in the corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian texts, which suggests that the distribution is not entirely random. In this paper, it is argued that in texts from the “‑asi area” - where texts containing both endings are found - the genitive endings are distributed in a non-random way. Genitives in ‑as(a) are dependent on neuter gender head nouns, whereas genitives in ‑asi are dependent on common gender head nouns. This means that, syntactically, Hieroglyphic Luwian genitives resemble genitival adjectives by agreeing with the gender of their head. Although several counterexamples exist, they are probably caused by translation errors, by language change in late Hieroglyphic Luwian, and possibly by the fact that -as(a) may reflect -asa as well as -as. Finally, a new account of the historical development of Luwian genitives is presented.

Open Access December 10, 2021

Birds of a feather?

Latin columba ‘pigeon, dove’ and Greek κόλυμβος ‘grebe’

Roberto Batisti

Page range: 205-228

More Download PDF

Abstract

The Latin bird-name columba ‘pigeon, dove’ has often invited comparison with Proto-Slavic *gȍlǫbь ‘id.’, as well as with Greek κόλυμβος ‘grebe, diving bird’. However, the first comparison is formally problematic, while the second one is semantically difficult. The first section of the present paper discusses the etymology and derivational history of Lat. columba, concluding in favor of an IE formation probably parallel to, but not cognate with, the one reflected by Slavic. In the second section, Gk. κόλυμβος is discussed together with the verb κολυμβάω ‘to dive’, showing that the commonly assumed derivation of the latter from the former is unlikely. A new etymology is then proposed for this word-family, arguing that both κόλυμβος < *ḱolum‑gʷ(h₂)‑o‑ and the unattested *κολυμβᾱ‑ < *ḱolum‑gʷ(h₂)‑eh₂‑ inferrable from κολυμβάω arose from the univerbation of a syntagm *ḱolum gʷeh₂- ‘to go covered, to submerge oneself’. These forms would then be coradical of Gk. καλύπτω ‘to cover, hide’, ultimately reflecting the univerbation of a different periphrasis with the same noun *ḱol-u-/*ḱel-u- ‘cover’. The proposed derivation is supported by morphosyntactic parallels across IE and by phraseological collocations of κολυμβάω and καλύπτω in Greek itself.

December 10, 2021

Future conditionals in Lycian

A descriptive account

José Marcos Macedo

Page range: 229-260

Abstract

Lycian funerary inscriptions, being overall legal statements regarding the correct management of the tomb after the death of its owner, comprise many future conditional clauses consisting of two types, paratactic and hypotactic. In the latter a preposed relative clause precedes a resumptive main clause, while in the former two adjoining main clauses are interpreted as protasis and apodosis without any obligatory subordinator. In the last case, the general rule is that some constituent pertaining to the preceding prohibition clause against unauthorized burial undergoes left dislocation, the contrastive topic pointing to the conditional character of the sentence. The lack of an overt subordinator in the paratactic type - the odd modal particle e͂ ‘if’ is at best optional - points to an archaism in Lycian, as opposed to Hittite and Luwian. This paper aims at providing a critical description of the future conditionals in the corpus, accounting for how they are formed and used.

December 10, 2021

παλίντονος

Reconstructing the prehistory of accents (Homeric -ειαί, -εια, -υιαί)

Jesse Lundquist

Page range: 261-304

Abstract

The Ancient Greek feminines to u-stem adjectives (e.g. ἡδεῖα ‘sweet’ to ἡδύς) diverge from their Old Indic counterparts in terms of accentuation (cp. Ved. svādvī´ ). Homeric Greek possesses a couple of corresponding archaisms with oxytone accent (θαμειαί, ταρφειαί); in this paper, I will propose that Greek in fact runs the gamut, showing recessive accentuation as well, specifically in stems that have been “demorphologized” (e.g., λίγεια). This threefold accentuation provides a unique window onto the diachrony of accents in the prehistory of Greek. I bring to bear previously undertreated, and untranslated, evidence from ancient grammarians to bolster my position. Beginning from this reexamination, I turn to the controversial class of nouns in -υια, which have been held to show extraordinarily archaic properties of accent and ablaut. I propose that these nouns reflect not archaisms, but inner-Greek innovations.

December 10, 2021

κέλῡφος and καλύπτω

Andrew Merritt

Page range: 305-324

Abstract

Though καλύπτω ‘cover’ is normally and correctly associated with *√ḱel- ‘cover’, the origin of the entire base καλυφ- remains unclear. The basis of clarification consists in an appreciation of the formally resemblant s-stem κέλῡφος, whose meaning ‘sheath, case, shell, husk, pod’ has invited comparison. The author therefore hypothesizes that the bases καλυφ- and κελῡφ- include related layers of nominal material. Starting from an originally adnominal *ḱel-ó- (> OIr. cel ‘death’), the author reconstructs the u-stem substantive *ḱó/él-u- ‘covering’, for which the evidence of Proto-Germanic *χlewa- ‘shelter’ and Greek κολεόν ‘sheath’ is adduced. The element in -φ- is then argued to reflect a nominalized form of *√bʰuhx- ‘become’ qua light verb of an anti-causative periphrasis whose originally acrostatic heavy member *ḱó/él-u- was employed as a predicative instrumental *ḱéluh₁ eventually fossilized as an indeclinable adnominal eligible for use as a First Compound Member (FCM) (> κέλῡφος). By comparison to the allomorphically archaic πόλις ‘city’ (gen. πόληος), the author finally argues for the paradigmatic renewal of *ḱó/él-u- (> > *ḱól-u- : ḱl̥-u̯- : ḱl̥l-éu̯) and the eligibility of its weak stem as first member of a compound from which was formed the *-i̯e/o- present ancestral to καλύπτω.

December 10, 2021

Mihi est from Brythonic to Breton II

The nominative object

Milan Rezac

Page range: 325-386

Abstract

Middle Breton (MB) presents an anomaly of pronominal argument coding in imperative and mihi est HAVE constructions: objects can be accusative proclitics only in 1st/2nd person, while unique enclitics appear in 3rd person. Part II traces the history of object coding: Independent > enclitic coding originates in unavailability of accusative object mesoclitics in V1 imperatives by Vendryes’ Restriction in Brythonic, and nonagreement with nominative objects of mihi est in Breton-Cornish. Restriction of enclitics to 3rd person originates with mihi est in typically nonhuman nominative object possessa in Brythonic or Breton-Cornish. It spreads to imperatives through shared enclitic coding in MB, and is circumvented by the MB innovation of accusative proclitics for mesoclitics that allows 1st/2nd person even in V1, as well as the participle in the new HAVE-perfect later in MB. “Innovative” varieties of Breton transition to regular accusative objects with or without losing dative subjects of mihi est. The developments are constrained to familiar patterns of nominative/anomalous subject + accusative/nominative object case combinations, giving rise to the imperative + HAVE construction grouping of Finnish within the history of Breton.

December 10, 2021

On the inflection of palatal stems in Vedic

Zachary Rothstein-Dowden

Page range: 387-404

Abstract

This paper re-examines the historical phonology and morphology of the palatal-stem declension of Vedic and concludes that the phonologically regular outcome of the animate nominative singular was -ṭ, while the “bh-cases” should by regular sound change have contained a cluster *°dbh°, the former existence of which can be inferred but which was replaced by °ḍbh° (or °gbh°) under the influence of the nominative singular.

Open Access December 10, 2021

Tocharian B santse ‘daughter-in-law’

Michaël Peyrot, Meng Xiaoqiang

Page range: 405-410

More Download PDF

Abstract

In Ogihara’s edition of the Tocharian B so-called “Avadāna-Manuscript”, a fragment from the Dhanika-Avadāna contains a word santse. On the basis of parallel texts, it is shown that santse means ‘daughter-in-law’. This newly identified word is cognate with a.o. Greek νυός ‘daughter-in-law’ and derives from Proto-Indo- European *snusó-.

Volume 44 (1927)

Volume 43 (1926)

Volume 42 (1924)

Volume 41 (1923)

Volume 40 (1922)

Volume 39 (1921)

Issue 1921

Volume 38-39 (1920)

Issue s1

Volume 38 (1917)

Issue 1917

Volume 37 (1917)

Volume 36 (1916)

Volume 34 (1915)

Volume 35 (1915)

Volume 33 (1914)

Volume 32 (1913)

Volume 31 (1913)

Volume 30 (1912)

Volume 29 (1912)

Volume 28 (1911)

Volume 27 (1910)

Volume 26 (1910)

Volume 25 (1910)

Volume 23 (1909)

Volume 24 (1909)

Volume 22 (1908)

Volume 21 (1907)

Volume 20 (1907)

Volume 19 (1906)

Volume 17 (1905)

Volume 18 (1905)

Volume 16 (1904)

Volume 15 (1903)

Volume 14 (1903)

Volume 13 (1902)

Volume 12 (1901)

Volume 11 (1900)

Volume 10 (1899)

Volume 8 (1898)

Volume 9 (1898)

Volume 7 (1897)

Volume 6 (1896)

Volume 5 (1895)

Volume 4 (1894)

Volume 3 (1894)

Volume 2 (1893)

Volume 1 (1892)

5-year Impact Factor	0.342
Cite Score	0.7
European Reference Index for the Humanities
Impact Factor	0.462
Journal Citation Indicator	0.37
SCImago Journal Rank	0.179
Source Normalized Impact per Paper	1.154

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Editorial

Editors:

Benjamin W. Fortson, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

Götz Keydana, Georg-August-Universität, Göttingen

Melanie Malzahn, Universität Wien

Paul Widmer, Universität Zürich

Editorial Board:

Daniel Petit (Paris); Stefan Schumacher (Wien); Guðrún Þórhallsdóttir (Reykjavík); Michael Weiss (Ithaca, NY)

(Deutsch)

Online ISSN: 1613-0405
Print ISSN: 0019-7262
Type: Yearbook
Languages: German, English, French
Publisher: De Gruyter
First published: January 1, 1892
Publication Frequency: 1 Issue per Year
Audience: Linguists, scholars of Indo-European languages, Typlogists