Impact Factor: 0.462

Published since January 1, 1892

Indogermanische Forschungen

Zeitschrift für Indogermanistik und historische Sprachwissenschaft / Journal of Indo-European Studies and Historical Linguistics

ISSN: 1613-0405

Edited by: Benjamin W. Fortson, Götz Keydana, Melanie Malzahn, Paul Widmer

About this journal

Indogermanische Forschungen publishes contributions mainly in the areas of historical-comparative linguistics, historical linguistics, typology and characteristics of the languages of the Indogermanic language family. Essays on non-Indogermanic languages are also featured, provided that they coincide with the main focus of the journal with respect to methods and language history.

Abstracting and Indexing

Indogermanische Forschungen is covered by the following services:

Baidu Scholar
BDSL Bibliographie der deutschen Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft
BLL Bibliographie Linguistischer Literatur
Brepols: L'Année philologique
Cabells Journalytics
CNKI Scholar (China National Knowledge Infrastructure)
CNPIEC - cnpLINKer
Dimensions
EBSCO (relevant databases)
EBSCO Discovery Service
ERIH PLUS (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences)
Genamics JournalSeek
Germanistik
Google Scholar
IBR (International Bibliography of Reviews of Scholarly Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences)
IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences)
J-Gate
Journal Citation Reports/Social Sciences Edition
JournalGuide
JournalTOCs
KESLI-NDSL (Korean National Discovery for Science Leaders)
Linguistic Bibliography
Linguistics Abstracts Online
MLA International Bibliography
MyScienceWork
Naver Academic
Naviga (Softweco)
Norwegian Register for Scientific Journals, Series and Publishers
OLC Linguistik
Primo Central (ExLibris)
ProQuest (relevant databases)
Publons
QOAM (Quality Open Access Market)
ReadCube
Scilit
SCImago (SJR)
SCOPUS
Semantic Scholar
Sherpa/RoMEO
Summon (ProQuest)
TDNet
Ulrich's Periodicals Directory/ulrichsweb
WanFang Data
Web of Science - Arts & Humanities Citation Index
Web of Science - Current Contents/Arts & Humanities
Web of Science - Current Contents/Social and Behavioral Sciences
Web of Science - Social Sciences Citation Index
WorldCat (OCLC)
X-MOL
Yewno Discover

Supplementary Materials

Topics

Volume 127 Issue 1

October 2022

Publicly Available October 5, 2022

Titelei

Page range: I-IV

Download PDF

Publicly Available October 5, 2022

Inhalt

Page range: V-VI

Download PDF

Open Access October 5, 2022

Altisländisch vatr neben vatn, färöisch vatur neben vatn ‚Wasser‘

Robert Nedoma

Page range: 1-12

More Download PDF

Abstract

Zusammenfassung In the PIE heteroclitic neuter noun *u̯ód-r̥, gen. **u̯éd-n̥-s ‚water‘, the Germanic languages eliminated the alternation in favour of either r- or n-stem variants (cp. OHG waz(z)ar vs. Goth. wato). Little attention has been paid to a doublet in West Norse that resulted from a paradigm split. Instead of regular vatn two (or three) eleventh- and twelfth-century Icelandic skalds used exceptional vatr that appears neither in the standard dictionary of OWN poetry nor in older text editions, which are rich in conjectures. Additional lexical evidence, namely vatur, is found in a Faeroese ballad from the late 1700s. OWN vatr (< PNorse *watra < PGmc. *watran) seems to be a back formation from nom./acc. pl. vǫtr* < PNorse *watru < PGmc. *watrō parallel to PGmc. *watnō that was formed with the zero grade of the suffix taken from PGmc. *wat-n-õn gen. pl. (and presumably levelled *wat-n-amᵃ/ᵢz).

October 5, 2022

Alternative etymologies for two British Celtic verbal forms

Bernhard Bauer

Page range: 13-20

Abstract

This paper addresses the issues arising from the unexpected /x/ in the two British Celtic verbal forms: MW techaf ‘to retreat, flee’, MBret. techet ‘to flee’, and OW diguormechis ‘which he added’, OBret. degurmehim ‘adding/addition’. As will be shown in the discussion below, there is no need for assuming influence from the s-subjunctive nor the existence of an otherwise unattested secondary verb. It is argued here that the forms are intra-Celtic borrowings from Irish.

Open Access October 5, 2022

The Luwic inflection of proper names, the Hittite dative-locative of i- and iia̯ -stems, and the Proto-Anatolian allative

Stefan Norbruis

Page range: 21-60

More Download PDF

Abstract

The article establishes the inflection of proper names in Luwian and Lycian, which differs from appellative inflection in all oblique cases. It is argued that the locative, genitive and ablative were reshaped after the pattern of the ā-stems, which were the most frequent type in names. The characteristic dative *-Vi̯o, however, was generalised from the i-stems, whose type had become restricted to names, especially personal names, after the PD i-stems had been generalised in the appellatives. The origin in the i-stems appears from Hittite, which has a corresponding ending in i- and ii̯a-stems. In Hittite, the ending can be traced back further to the use of the allative in dat.-loc. function to circumvent the unfortunate combination of a stem in *‑i‑ with the dat.-loc. ending *-i. The Luwic data can now be used to determine the character of the PAnat. allative, which must have been *-o on account of Lyc. -e. Since Anatolian shows a vigorous allative that is presupposed by petrified remnants such as *pr-o ‘forward’ in other IE languages, the allative provides an additional argument for the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis.

October 5, 2022

Sobre el origen de la escansión larga de la sílaba reduplicada de ἵημι

José Miguel Jiménez Delgado

Page range: 61-74

Abstract

The reduplicated present ἵημι exhibits an alternating scansion of the reduplication syllable. The iota tends to be long in Attic but short in Homer and in other dialects. Martin Peters explained the long iota as the result of a compensatory lengthening after the loss of laryngeals, i.e. *Hi-Hi̯eh₁- > hīēmi. The short variant would have appeared by analogy with other reduplicated presents such as δίδωμι, ἵστημι, and τίθημι. This implies that the Attic long scansion is an archaism. The purpose of this paper is to show that Peters’ scenario is highly improbable and that the long iota is more likely due to levelling after the conflation of another present *ϝῑ́εμαι with ἵημι’s middle forms.

October 5, 2022

Luwian Tarhunaza-, Cilician Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας

Ignasi-Xavier Adiego

Page range: 75-90

Abstract

In this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza- and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in Cilicia are analyzed as imperative Satznamen containing a vocative form Tarhun- followed by the imperative of the verb aza- ‘to love’. This analysis leads to the reinterpretation of other Luwic names as possible Satznamen containing divine invocations.

October 5, 2022

Take up your arms

On two m°-stems of the root *(h)ar-

Isabelle de Meyer

Page range: 91-130

Abstract

This article investigates the etymology of four Latin lexemes starting with /arm-/: arma, armus, armilla and armenta. It examines whether they are men- or mo-derivatives of the root commonly reconstructed as *h₂er- ‘to join’. The combination of an in-depth analysis of 1) the use of armenta in Latin, and ἀραρίσκω and ἁρμόζω in Greek, and 2) similar stems in other IE languages, particularly Vedic īrmá-, Latvian ir̃mi et al., OCS ramo and jarьmъ et al., results in the conclusion that two stems should be differentiated. Armus and the other IE words for ‘shoulder; arm’ point to a second laryngeal and go back to a mo-stem ‘joining, (shoulder) joint’, originally an adjective. Its substantivation process went along with a change in accentuation and ablaut. The middle laryngeal would be the result of a contamination with *pĺ̥h₂-meh₂. The other Latin words and OCS jarьmъ et al. go back to a men-stem ‘the attachment’. The armenta were originally ‘the ones belonging to the attachment (a yoke)’ > ‘the plough animals’. Lastly, it is stated that if ἅρμα was a direct men-derivative of the PIE root, the wheel should be interpreted as ‘the attachment (to the chariot frame)’ rather than ‘the thing joined together’.

October 5, 2022

Hermes Ἀργεϊφόντης and Agni bhā́r̥jīka

Laura Massetti

Page range: 131-150

Abstract

The paper concerns Ἀργεϊφόντης, an epithet of Hermes in Greek hexameter poetry. I propose that the form is ultimately to be interpreted as a Kunstform, i.e. a metrical adaptation of *ἀργεϊφάων, the univerbation of *ἄργεϊ φάων ‘shining in white (light)’, as first proposed by Koller (1976). Furthermore, I identify Vedic bhā́r̥jīka‑ (RV), an epithet of Agni, as a phraseological match for the Greek appellative. I argue that bhā́r̥jīka‑ may be understood as ‘flashing with white appearance’ or ‘whose white appearance is shining.’ Moreover, the compound is built with the same lexical material as Greek ἀργεϊφόντης: IE *bʰeh₂‑ ‘to shine, become visible’ and IE *h₂erǵ‑ ‘white.’

October 5, 2022

Une innovation divine

L’origine de l’accusatif dorien Ποτειδᾶ/Ποσειδᾶ, attique Ποσειδῶ

Alcorac Alonso Déniz

Page range: 151-168

Abstract

The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Eleutherna and Lyttos) attest to Ποτειδᾶ or Ποσειδᾶ, accusative of Doric Ποτειδάν/Ποσειδάν = Attic Ποσειδῶν. In an oath of the Megarian peddler in Aristophanes’ Acharnians (line 798), some manuscripts also exhibit Ποτειδᾶ or Ποτῑδᾶ. The accusative ending -ᾶ cannot be accounted for either as the remains of a supposed non-thematic inflection of Poseidon’s name nor as a hyper-dialectalism. Instead, Ποτειδᾶ and Ποσειδᾶ share a common origin with the so-called “apocopated” accusatives Ποσειδῶ and Ἀπέλλω / Ἀπόλλω. Dismissing the hypothesis that comparatives had shaped the accusative of the two theonyms, this paper suggests that the innovation was triggered by the co-occurrence of ἥρωα and ἥρωνα, which belonged in two secondary inflections of ἥρως, an old stem in ‑ou̯‑.

October 5, 2022

The mixed aorist subjunctive in Classical Armenian

Petr Kocharov

Page range: 169-200

Abstract

The paper is dedicated to the pattern of voice marking found in the aorist subjunctive of Classical Armenian that combines the mediopassive ending of the 1st person singular with active and labile endings in the remaining forms of the paradigm. The pattern forms a stable inflectional type in verbs with the i-stem aorist but is also marginally attested in other verbal classes. The goal of the present paper is to describe the distribution of the mixed subjunctive in the early Classical Armenian texts and clarify its origin.

October 5, 2022

A note on Greek ἰκμάς

Tore Rovs Kristoffersen

Page range: 201-212

Abstract

The Greek word ἰκμάς ‘moisture’ and its derivatives reflect a PIE root usually reconstructed as either *sei̯kʷ‑ or *sei̯k‑. After a survey of the comparanda, it is concluded that only the Greek form points to *sei̯k-, while reflexes in other branches, particularly Germanic, explicitly require *sei̯kʷ‑. A solution to this problem is then suggested in the form of a new Greek sound law *Kʷm > Km. The traditional view, which treats the development of *Kʷm as identical to that of *Pm, is shown to be untenable: forms such as ὄμμα ‘eye’ (Transponat *h₃okʷ‑mn̥) do not reflect inherited formations, but are rather to be understood as created within Greek after the general post-Mycenaean development *Kʷ > P. The sequence μμ found in such words therefore reflects underlying *Pm rather than *Kʷm. Finally, three further possible examples of Kʷm > Km are presented.

October 5, 2022

Greek τηλεκλυτός ‘far-famed’ and its Welsh comparanda

Some reflexes of Indo-European poetic language in medieval Welsh poetry

Alexander Falileyev

Page range: 213-234

Abstract

The paper examines a possible Welsh cognate of Greek τηλεκλυτός ‘farfamed’, the rare Middle Welsh pellglot, and analyses it and its alleged Greek congener within the framework of Indo-European poetic language studies. It pays considerable attention to the conventions of medieval Welsh versification that (with other factors considered) may undermine the dating of the reconstructed compound underlying the Greek and Middle Welsh word to the Proto-Indo-European epoch.

October 5, 2022

Interlocked life cycles of counterfactual mood forms from Archaic to Classical Greek

Aspect, actionality and changing temporal reference

Ezra la Roi

Page range: 235-282

Abstract

Based on a corpus study of 2074 occurrences in Archaic (424) and Classical (1650) Greek, I offer a unified explanation for the temporal reference extensions of counterfactual mood forms in declarative, interrogative, wish and de-activated illocutions (i.e. subordinate clauses). I propose a diachronic trajectory (life cycle) for counterfactual mood forms from past to present and future reference. Extensions are constrained diachronically by grammatical aspect (e.g. imperfect facilitating extensions to present reference more than the aorist or pluperfect), and actionality of the state of affairs in clausal context (atelic states of affairs enabling temporal extensions), as well as synchronically by illocutionary usage, collocations with temporal adverbs and common ground knowledge (i.e. temporal location known or not). This trajectory explains the replacements of the inherited counterfactual optative by the counterfactual indicative, because their life cycles are interlocked: in Archaic Greek the counterfactual optative had already extended from its original past to present and future reference and is losing its counterfactuality, whereas the counterfactual indicative referred only to the past and sometimes the present. In Classical Greek, temporal extensions of the counterfactual indicative are continued across different aspects, clause types and illocutions at different rates of change and the counterfactual optative is filtered out of the system.

October 5, 2022

The root of all gluttony

Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’, τέμω ‘to swallow’, πάθνη ‘manger’ and Latin condiō ‘to season food’

Roberto Batisti

Page range: 283-306

Abstract

The etymological analysis of Attic Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’ (Ar.+) has focused since Antiquity on comparison with the obscure Hesiodic hapax τένδει (Op. 524). Rejecting this unpromising solution, in this paper I go back to a forgotten proposal by Solmsen (1897), who compared τένθης with the PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς and Lat. condiō ‘to season (food)’, reconstructing a root *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-. While Solmsen did not pursue further analysis of this root, I propose that it arose - possibly already at the PIE stage - from *kʷem- ‘gulp, swallow’ with addition of the “detransitivizing” suffix *-dʰ-e/o-. The present stem *kʷem-dʰe/o- would have had the intransitive meaning ‘to swallow food’ with Indefinite Object Deletion, as is typologically common in “ingestive” verbs. In addition to the agent noun τένθης, I suggest that πάθνη ~ φάτνη ‘crib, manger’ was another nominal derivative of the ‘neo-root’ *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-/*kʷn̥dʰ-. I conclude by discussing other possible etymologies of Lat. condiō.

October 5, 2022

Artemis Orthia

Eine linguistisch-mythologische Genealogie

Florian Sommer

Page range: 307-342

Abstract

Zusammenfassung The goddess Orthia, whose name is attested by different variants in inscriptions mainly at her sanctuary at Sparta, and who was at some point identified with Artemis, is the subject of an ongoing debate in various fields of ancient studies. As the textual mythology of the goddess is meagre, the etymology of this theonym is of primary importance in bringing to light possible mythological concepts associated with the deity. Drawing on earlier attempts proposed in the literature, the Greek adjective ὀρθός (ved. ūrdhvá- ‚upright‘) is identified as the natural derivational basis for the name, which can in turn be traced back to the PIE root underlying ved. vrādh- and av. uruuad-. In Vedic, ūrdhvá- is used in describing the epiphany of Uṣas. Orthia can therefore be considered to be a descendant of the PIE dawn goddess. Via its etymology, the name of Orthia is related to the Avestan theonym Arəduuī (and probably to Celtic Ardvinna as well). The abundantly documented mythological profile of the Iranian goddess matches up well with the proposed origin of the name, thereby cross-validating the linguistic and mythological origin of Orthia.

Open Access October 5, 2022

Linguistic evidence for Kuṣāṇa trade routes

Bactrian *λιρτο ‘load, cargo’ and Sanskrit lardayati ‘to load’

Niels Schoubben

Page range: 343-358

More Download PDF

Abstract

Late Sanskrit lardayati ‘to load’ is probably not inherited from a PIE root *lerd-, as has recently been argued by Kaczyńska (2020), but can be explained as a denominative of *larda- ‘load, cargo’. This noun *larda- could be a borrowing from Bactrian *λιρτο /lirtə/ ‘load, cargo’ < Old Iranian *dr̥šta-. This etymology fits well with the fact that lardayati is phrased together with sthora- ‘pack-animal’, likely another instantiation of the Iranian collocation of *staura- ‘animal’ and *√darz- ‘to load’, for which I discuss evidence from Niya Prakrit, Parthian and Khotanese. In addition, further support is drawn from the independent historical evidence for the domination of the main trade routes of Central and South Asia by the Kuṣāṇa dynasty in the first centuries of our era.

October 5, 2022

Variation and change in the formal marking of Khotanese I

A diachronic study on the genitive-dative singular in Old Khotanese

Alessandro Del Tomba

Page range: 359-398

Abstract

In Khotanese, masculine nominals of the a-declension tend to lose the formal distinction between nominative singular -ä and genitive-dative singular -i. Likewise, the diphthongs ei and ai interchange freely in post-archaic Old Khotanese not only within but also at the end of a word, thus eliminating the distinction between nominative singular -ei and genitive-dative singular -ai of the secondary aa-declension. The aim of this article is to investigate the strategies of formal marking that arose in post-archaic texts in order to differentiate the genitive-dative from the nominative, applying morphological and syntactic criteria.

Volume 44 (1927)

Volume 43 (1926)

Volume 42 (1924)

Volume 41 (1923)

Volume 40 (1922)

Volume 39 (1921)

Issue 1921

Volume 38-39 (1920)

Issue s1

Volume 38 (1917)

Issue 1917

Volume 37 (1917)

Volume 36 (1916)

Volume 34 (1915)

Volume 35 (1915)

Volume 33 (1914)

Volume 32 (1913)

Volume 31 (1913)

Volume 30 (1912)

Volume 29 (1912)

Volume 28 (1911)

Volume 27 (1910)

Volume 26 (1910)

Volume 25 (1910)

Volume 23 (1909)

Volume 24 (1909)

Volume 22 (1908)

Volume 21 (1907)

Volume 20 (1907)

Volume 19 (1906)

Volume 17 (1905)

Volume 18 (1905)

Volume 16 (1904)

Volume 15 (1903)

Volume 14 (1903)

Volume 13 (1902)

Volume 12 (1901)

Volume 11 (1900)

Volume 10 (1899)

Volume 8 (1898)

Volume 9 (1898)

Volume 7 (1897)

Volume 6 (1896)

Volume 5 (1895)

Volume 4 (1894)

Volume 3 (1894)

Volume 2 (1893)

Volume 1 (1892)

5-year Impact Factor	0.342
Cite Score	0.7
European Reference Index for the Humanities
Impact Factor	0.462
Journal Citation Indicator	0.37
SCImago Journal Rank	0.179
Source Normalized Impact per Paper	1.154

Submit

NEW!

Indogermanische Forschungen now operates with an online submission system (https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/indo).

Submission
You can easily submit your manuscript online. Simply go to　https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/indo and you will be guided through the whole peer-reviewing and publishing process.

If you wish to submit a manuscript for publication in Indogermanische Forschungen, please refer to the PDF file "Instructions for Authors" (tab Overview).

Hybrid Open Access

De Gruyter offers hybrid OA for Indogermanische Forschungen. Details can be found here: https://www.degruyter.com/page/open-access-article.

De Gruyter has established a number of open access agreements with leading international institutions to ensure that content from affiliated authors is accessible and affordable. Our agreements are designed to take the burden of paying article processing charges (APCs) off our authors’ shoulders. Depending on the nature of the agreement, as an author you may be able to publish open access at no cost at all – or with a significant discount. An overview of existing agreements per country can be found here: https://www.degruyter.com/page/open-access-funding.

Repository Policy/Green Open Access

De Gruyter allows authors the use of the final published version of an article (publisher pdf) for self-archiving (author’s personal website) and/or archiving in an institutional repository (on a non-profit server) after an embargo period of 12 months after publication. Details can be found here: https://www.degruyter.com/page/repository-policy.

Editorial

Editors:

Benjamin W. Fortson, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

Götz Keydana, Georg-August-Universität, Göttingen

Melanie Malzahn, Universität Wien

Paul Widmer, Universität Zürich

Editorial Board:

Daniel Petit (Paris); Elisabeth Rieken (Marburg); Stefan Schumacher (Wien); Guðrún Þórhallsdóttir (Reykjavík); Michael Weiss (Ithaca, NY)

(Deutsch)

Online ISSN: 1613-0405
Print ISSN: 0019-7262
Type: Yearbook
Languages: English, Italian, German, French, Spanish
Publisher: De Gruyter
First published: January 1, 1892
Publication Frequency: 1 Issue per Year
Audience: Linguists, scholars of Indo-European languages, typologists