The article establishes the inflection of proper names in Luwian and Lycian, which differs from appellative inflection in all oblique cases. It is argued that the locative, genitive and ablative were reshaped after the pattern of the ā-stems, which were the most frequent type in names. The characteristic dative *-Vi̯o, however, was generalised from the i-stems, whose type had become restricted to names, especially personal names, after the PD i-stems had been generalised in the appellatives. The origin in the i-stems appears from Hittite, which has a corresponding ending in i- and ii̯a-stems. In Hittite, the ending can be traced back further to the use of the allative in dat.-loc. function to circumvent the unfortunate combination of a stem in *‑i‑ with the dat.-loc. ending *-i. The Luwic data can now be used to determine the character of the PAnat. allative, which must have been *-o on account of Lyc. -e. Since Anatolian shows a vigorous allative that is presupposed by petrified remnants such as *pr-o ‘forward’ in other IE languages, the allative provides an additional argument for the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis.