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December 14, 2009
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Using Spencer-Oatey's rapport management framework (Journal of Politeness Research 1: 95–119, 2005), this paper looks at regional pragmatic variation in Spanish by examining Peruvian, Venezuelan and Argentinean subjects when reprimanding. Results show that although the three groups favored the satisfaction of their transactional wants, there were differences between the three groups in terms of their behavioral expectations and respect/threat to their own and/or the interlocutor's identity face. Peruvians and Venezuelans exhibited a rapport-challenging orientation, while Argentineans preferred a rapport maintenance orientation. In addition, although Peruvians preferred an independent posture and were not interested in either protecting or threatening their own identity face, Venezuelans and Argentineans revealed a preference for interdependent self-construals and an interest, albeit weak, in protecting their identity face. Possible miscommunication in a hypothetical intra-lingual interchange between members of these three different cultural groups is noted.
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The current study focuses on pragmatic variation at the regional level and examines the similarities and differences in the realization of requests in three varieties of Latin American Spanish: Mexico (Oaxaca), Costa Rica (San José) and the Dominican Republic (Santiago) in three symmetric situations (–Power) with different degrees of distance (+/–Distance). Experimental data of 54 male participants (18 participants per group) were collected in comparable situations in situ. The 162 interactions were classified according to the request head act: direct, conventionally indirect (CI), and non-conventionally indirect (NCI) strategies. Request head acts were analyzed across the interaction. Specifically, the data were analyzed for initial (first) and post-initial requests, as well as for three types of downgraders, namely lexical, syntactic and prosodic downgraders. The results showed a preference for conventional indirectness in the first request and a preference for impositives in post-initial requests. Lexical and syntactic modification of the request varied in type and frequency across the three groups. Prosodic downgraders (intonation, tempo, loudness, and rate of delivery) were factors that influenced the polite interpretation of the request and varied across the groups. The results are discussed in light of research on variational pragmatics and across varieties of Spanish at both the national and subnational levels.
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This paper looks at a well-documented form in Irish English, ‘be after + Verb -ing’ (e.g. ‘He's after forgetting to pay her’) which roughly equates to the present perfect aspect in Standard English. The structure, a calque on an Irish form, has been used in the past in literature and cartoons to both characterize and stigmatize Irish English. This paper tests the hypothesis that this structure is still widely used in Irish English today because it has acquired pragmatic specializations which do not have an equivalent in the Standard English form. This paper draws on one million words of Irish English recorded in different parts of Ireland to form the Limerick Corpus of Irish English, recorded between 2001 and 2005. All of the occurrences of the form in the corpus were isolated and analyzed in context. A number of pragmatically specialized functions were identified and discussed. The distribution of the form across gender and particularly across a range of age groups, especially among young adult speakers, suggests that the form is robustly placed within Irish English. It is concluded that because its pragmatically specialized functions do not have an adequate equivalent in Standard English, it has and will remain as part of the core grammar of Irish English.
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This article examines the nature and use of religious references across a range of contexts, and also age and gender groups to establish their patterning and functioning in contemporary English, with particular reference to Irish English. The examination is carried out by using quantitative and qualitative corpus-based tools and methodologies, such as relative frequency lists and concordances, as well as details of formulaic strings, including significant clusters. The paper highlights that religious references are high frequency items in informal spoken discourse and that they are predominantly used in non-religious contexts. In terms of age, their use seems to be characteristic of the discourse of the older speakers, while a gender-based analysis underlines their elevated use by male speakers. The analyses conclude that religious references are so commonplace in Irish English that their use, as a means of emotional expression, now seems almost ubiquitously acceptable among the represented groups, and when used, these items do not seem to cause offense.
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December 14, 2009
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This paper explores the functional and social meanings of the formal variants of the expressions i don't know and i don't think . The qualitative analysis of the data shows that i don't know and i don't think are highly routinized discourse formulae that perform multiple interpersonal and textual functions. The quantification of their phonetic and grammatical variants across function, age and gender reveals that the occurrence of non-localized and localized variants of i don't know and i don't think is conditioned by different parameters. Non-localized variants show function-specific patterning: variants of i don't know pattern with broad functional categories; variants of i don't think reflect fine-grained functional differences at a micro-level of analysis. Localized variants, by contrast, do not carry a functional load but evince orderly social heterogeneity. The results demonstrate that social variation in discourse extends beyond differential frequencies and strategic uses of discourse markers (DMs) to their formal encoding, and that function plays an important role in accounting for patterns of formal variation in discourse. The paper argues for a fuller integration of qualitative methods in the study of language variation and change in discourse, and calls for the form and function of discourse variables to be studied in greater detail.
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Adolescence is a period of experimentation in many kinds of behavior. The examples in the present paper come from recordings of working-class adolescents made in Glasgow in 1997, 2003, and 2004. They show that these adolescents are adopting new forms of speech including new discourse features that seem to have developed locally, rather than having been imported from outside. This paper examines two areas in which the adolescents employ innovative forms: non-traditional intensifiers and quotatives. Previous studies had shown that Scottish working-class speakers make limited use of the intensifiers ‘very’ and ‘really’. The Glasgow adolescents in 1997 used ‘pure’ and ‘dead’ as their main intensifiers. By 2003 ‘dead’ was used much less frequently but ‘pure’ continued to be used in many contexts, and this continued in 2004, though ‘so’ was beginning to be used in certain contexts. Three new intensifiers, ‘healthy’, ‘heavy’ and ‘mad’ were becoming more popular in 2004. Non-traditional quotatives, such as ‘go’, ‘be like’ and ‘be all’, have been spreading quickly among younger speakers. In Glasgow working-class adolescents in 1997 preferred two variants, ‘be like that’ and ‘go like that’, but by 2004 ‘be like’ was used almost as frequently and a new form ‘done (that)’ was gaining ground.
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