Published since January 1, 1962

Kadmos

Zeitschrift für vor- und frühgriechische Epigraphik

ISSN: 1613-0723

Edited by: Wolfgang Blümel

In cooperation with: Costis Davaras, Yves Duhoux, Markus Egetmeyer, Vassos Karageorghis

About this journal

Kadmos is a journal publishing papers and communications (but no reviews) relating to pre-Greek and early Greek epigraphy, i. e. to inscriptions from the whole of the Mediterranean area dating back either 1) to the time before or during the spread of Greek in the relevant regions or 2) to the early phase of the development of Greek (in Linear A, Linear B or an archaic alphabetic script).

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Supplementary Materials

Topics

Volume 61 Issue 1-2

February 2022

Publicly Available March 3, 2023

Titelei

Page range: I-II

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Publicly Available March 3, 2023

Inhalt

Page range: III-III

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Aufsätze

March 3, 2023

Woher kam der Mann von Ahhiya?

Markus Egetmeyer

Page range: 1-36

Abstract

Seit einem Jahrhundert arbeitet man sich an der Ahhiyawa-Frage ab. Die Antworten bleiben vage und flüchten ins allgemein Historische. Das ist kein Wunder, denn die Frage ist falsch gestellt. Das war immer bekannt, wurde aber nie ernst genommen. Es geht überhaupt nicht um Ahhiyawa, sondern zunächst einmal nur darum, die Ausgangsform, nämlich den Ortsnamen Ahhiya, auf einer Karte zu lokalisieren. Die philologische Analyse der wenn auch spärlichen Belege für diesen legt es nahe, in Ahhiya den Namen einer Insel zu vermuten, die südlich von Lesbos vor der Küste Kleinasiens liegt. Die nächste größere Insel ist Chios. Diese Annahme von Ahhiya als ältere nichtgriechische Form der späteren griechischen Form Chios läßt sich dann sprachwissenschaftlich erhärten, indem das der Gleichung entgegenstehende anlautende a - den bekannten Beispielen angereiht wird, die einen luwischen Lautwandel zeigen, bei dem dieses unterdrückt wird. Erst nach dieser Identifizierung von Ahhiya als Insel Chios kann man sinnvoll über Ahhiyawa reden. Achäer und Ahhiyawa haben sprachlich nichts miteinander zu tun. Als Nebenergebnis ergibt sich noch, daß der Name Attarissiya eines Herrschers von Ahhiya sicher nicht ein ins Hethitische eingegliederter griechischer Atreus ist, sondern wohl umgekehrt ein ins Griechische eingegliederter nichtgriechischer Teiresias.

March 3, 2023

Once again on the evolution of the Anatolian hieroglyphic script

Ilya Yakubovich

Page range: 37-60

Abstract

The Anatolian hieroglyphic script represents a logosyllabic system, which gradually evolved in Asia Minor in the course of the second millennium BCE. Although the first syllabic values of Anatolian hieroglyphs are attested about 1400 BCE, there have been recent attempts to demonstrate that linguistic considerations prompt the projection of the development of the syllabic script further back in time. The present paper addresses the arguments advanced in favour of such a hypothesis and shows their inconclusive character. A collateral result of the present investigation is the segmentation of the set of earliest syllabic signs for which logographic readings are also attested. The comparison between the logographic and syllabic values within this set is conducive to a conclusion that the Hittite language, as opposed to Luwian, played a decisive role in assigning the syllabic values to Anatolian hieroglyphs in Hattusa between 1400 and 1250 BCE.

March 3, 2023

A Hieroglyphic seal from the cult centre of the city of Knossos (KN S (4/4) 01)

with an appendix by Alessandra Giumlia-Mair

Athanasia Kanta, Thomas G. Palaima, Massimo Perna

Page range: 61-96

Abstract

The Hieroglyphic seal KN S (4/4) 01, found in the Neopalatial Room 3 of the Cult Centre of the City of Knossos, is a document of considerable importance in the study of Cretan script for several reasons. With regard to iconography and palaeography, we have identified for the first time the true idealized form of sign 095, and that permits us to correct our understanding of the shape of other examples of the same sign and thereby to improve our knowledge of the palaeographical development of the Hieroglyphic script. Furthermore, this new document preserves one more attestation of the socalled Arkhanes “formula” and shows a connection between this “formula” and the fraction signs. Finally, this seal confirms also a relationship between this “formula” and the logogram *181 on the one hand and the sign 010 on the other hand.

March 3, 2023

Rebus compositions in Linear A?

Barbara Montecchi

Page range: 97-106

Abstract

This paper deals with some Linear A logograms which might have been occasionally used not because of their meaning, but phonetically, on the basis of the sound of the words underlying the signs, to spell out different words, in rebus compositions with one or more syllabograms. This would be the case with the logogram for wine (AB 131a) on two clay tablets from Agia Triada (HT 14.1 and 123a.3), the logogram for human (A 100/102) on several clay documents from different sites (HT 72, KH Wc 2100, and PE Zb 7), and the logogram for olives (AB 122) on stone tables KO Za 1 and SY Za 2. The last two examples imply the reappraisal of the debate about the uncertain reading of one sign on KO Za 1 either as AB 27 or 122. In this paper it is shown how the latter is the only one supported by paleography.

March 3, 2023

Some observations on the language of Linear A

Orazio Monti

Page range: 107-116

Abstract

Examination of the Linear A texts confirms that - the language of Linear A is probably only one (§ 1); - the alternation a-/ja- in a-sa-sa-ra-me/ja-sa-sa-ra-me etc. is likely due to the presence of a prefix i/j- and not to a laryngeal or a graphic variant (§ 2); - the sequence -i-*301- of a-ta-i-*301-wa-ja and variants is probably a verbal root (§§ 3-4); - (j)a-sa-sa-ra-me probably means ‘gift, homage’ vel. sim. (but not necessarily ‘sacred’) and not ‘offering’ (§ 5); - the prefix i/j- probably has the function of an article and i-na- could be its plural form (§ 6). More generally, convincing arguments have already been put forward which strongly suggest that the language of Linear A is probably neither Indo-European nor Semitic (Afro-Asiatic), nor an ergative language such as Hurro-Urartian (§ 7).

March 3, 2023

Micénico ka-ra-wi-ja ‘vieja(s)’ y la religión micénica

Juan Piquero

Page range: 117-134

Abstract

This paper aims to offer a new interpretation of the Mycenaean word ka-ra-wi-ja *γρᾱ́ϝια ‘old woman’, which appears in some Mycenaean texts of the series Fq from Thebes and Fu from Mycenae. Their content points to the context of distribution of food probably related to the celebration of a ritual. Thus far, it has been interpreted as a male or female anthroponym, a theonym or a nickname, but these hypotheses seem unlikely. It has also been suggested that this may be the designation of a professional group without providing a more concrete explanation. It is reasonable, however, that it is an appellation referring to one or more older women participating in a ritual

March 3, 2023

Deux textes archaïques de Kato Symi (Biannos)

Monique Bile, Claude Brixhe

Page range: 135-144

Abstract

Deux inscriptions archaiques du site cretois de Biannos, pres de l’actuelle Kato Symi, publiees en 1973 (1975) et 2015 dans des revues differentes, revelent deux formes dialectales, dont Claude Brixhe a proposees des hypotheses nouvelles. La premiere forme serait a lire Ϝρό̄το̄, genitif d’un anthroponyme a rattacher au verbe βιβρώσκω, et la seconde doit etre un lapsus calami, a lire Δαταλε<ύ>ς, ethnique cretois.

March 3, 2023

Drei karische Verben

Diether Schürr

Page range: 145-154

Abstract

Mδ-, mδš, mδa und mδane, mlane und mλne sowie šRnne werden als Verbformen gedeutet: 3. P. Sg. Prat. mit Schwund der ‚lenierten‘, lykisch -de, lydisch -d und luwisch /-da/ entsprechenden Endung und teilweise einem angehangten Pronomen -ne, das ein Akkusativobjekt ersetzt. Im ersten Fall handelt es sich bei den Votivinschriften sicher um ein verbum donandi, das zu hethitisch manijahh- gehoren konnte, im zweiten kommt eine Bedeutung ‚schrieb‘ in Frage, wozu gotisch meljan verglichen werden konnte, im dritten ebenfalls ein verbum donandi.

March 3, 2023

A Lydian inscription from Denizli

Felipe Rojas, Esengül Akıncı Öztürk

Page range: 155-164

Abstract

A marble anthemion stele with a funerary inscription in Lydian was unearthed in 2010, during excavations led by Professor Kadir Pektaş at the Eski Mezarlık (or Old Cemetery) in the İlbadı neighbourhood of Denizli. The stone is currently in the Hierapolis Museum in Pamukkale. We present here a description of the stone and relief ornament, an edition of the Lydian text with commentary, a tentative partial translation, and a brief historical contextualization of the artifact. The text should be of interest to both Anatolianists and Indo-Europeanists, given its length and good state of preservation.

March 3, 2023

Un Phrygien sur l’Agora: redécouverte d’une inscription paléo-phrygienne

Florian Réveilhac

Page range: 165-182

Abstract

This article discusses a brief inscription incised on a cup found on the Athenian Agora and which has been published in 1976. This graffito appears to be an Old Phrygian inscription, the first known so far on this side of the Aegean Sea. It corresponds to a new personal name, whose stem could be identical to that of Phrygian place names attested in Greek sources. An etymological hypothesis is suggested about the stem, which could reveal the Phrygian name of the “goat”. The object thus incised in the Phrygian alphabet may have belonged to a metic or a Phrygian travelling to Athens.

March 3, 2023

Le dialecte grec de Pamphylie, supplément VII

Recai Tekoğlu, Veli Köse

Page range: 183-198

Abstract

The present study is the latest one of the supplements for Le dialecte grec de Pamphylie published by Cl. Brixhe in 1976. Eight new inscriptions belonging to the dialectal group are presented here. The contribution of the supplement VII to the onomastics of the Pamphylian dialect can be seen in the attestation of Εὐτυχᾶς, Ἀθμοπάτρας, Κτίσων and *Κουͷας.

Volume 40 (2001)

Volume 39 (2000)

Issue 1-2

Volume 38 (1999)

Issue 1-2

Volume 37 (1998)

Issue 1-2

Volume 36 (1997)

Volume 35 (1996)

Volume 34 (1995)

Volume 33 (1994)

Volume 32 (1993)

Volume 31 (1992)

Volume 30 (1991)

Volume 29 (1990)

Volume 28 (1989)

Issue 1-2

Volume 27 (1988)

Volume 26 (1987)

Volume 25 (1986)

Volume 24 (1985)

Issue 1-2

Volume 23 (1984)

Issue 1-2

Volume 22 (1983)

Volume 21 (1982)

Volume 20 (1981)

Issue 1-2

Volume 19 (1980)

Volume 18 (1979)

Volume 17 (1978)

Volume 16 (1977)

Volume 15 (1976)

Volume 14 (1975)

Volume 13 (1974)

Volume 12 (1973)

Volume 11 (1972)

Volume 10 (1971)

Volume 9 (1970)

Volume 8 (1969)

Volume 7 (1968)

Volume 6 (1967)

Issue 1

Volume 5 (1966)

Volume 4 (1965)

Volume 3 (1964)

Volume 2 (1963)

Volume 1 (1962)

CiteScore	0.4	2022, Scopus (Elsevier B.V., 2023)
SCImago Journal Rank	0.228	2022, SJR (Scimago Lab, 2023; Data Source: Scopus)
Source Normalized Impact per Paper	0.769	2022, CWTS Journal Indicators (CWTS B.V., 2023; Data Source: Scopus)

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Editorial

Edited by

Prof. Dr. W. Blümel
Universität Köln
Institut für Altertumskunde
Albertus-Magnus-Platz
50931 Köln
E-Mail: wolfgang.bluemel@uni-koeln.de

Together with

Claude Brixhe, Nancy
Costis Davaras, Athen
Yves Duhoux, Louvain-la-Neuve
Markus Egetmeyer, Paris
Vassos Karageorghis, Nikosia
Anna Morpurgo Davies, Oxford

(Deutsch)

Online ISSN: 1613-0723
Print ISSN: 0022-7498
Type: Journal
Language: German
Publisher: De Gruyter
First published: January 1, 1962
Publication Frequency: 2 Issues per Year
Audience: Academics, Institutes, Libraries
Keywords: Epigraphik; Frühgriechisch; Vorgriechisch