Search Results

You are looking at 1 - 9 of 9 items

  • Author: Simon Pickl x
Clear All Modify Search

Abstract

Die Forschung zur Diachronie der Stellung des adnominalen Genitivs im Deutschen ist ein gutes Beispiel dafür, dass sich einzelne Fallstudien nur schwer zu einem schlüssigen Gesamtbild kombinieren lassen, wenn diese jeweils Zeitabschnitte mit unterschiedlichen Textsorten aus verschiedenen Regionen untersuchen. Durch uneinheitliche Quellenlage und Methodik wird die Vergleichbarkeit von Einzelstudien stark eingeschränkt. In diesem Beitrag wird ein alternativer Ansatz verfolgt, der auf einen zeitlichen Längsschnitt setzt. Indem sich der Fokus auf eine bestimmte Textsorte richtet, wird die annähernde Abdeckung der Zeit vom 9. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert auf einer gleichförmigen, wenn auch nicht repräsentativen Grundlage möglich. Als Textsorte wurden hier Predigten gewählt, da sich diese als Prosatexte gut für die Untersuchung syntaktischer Fragestellungen eignen und eine relativ lange, breite und kontinuierliche Überlieferung aufweisen. Neben der zeitlichen Entwicklung wird die Auswirkung verschiedener interner und externer Faktoren auf die Genitivstellung untersucht. In der Diskussion der Ergebnisse zeigt sich einerseits, dass der nachgestellte Genitiv durch seine größere syntaktische Flexibilität begünstigt wird; zum anderen wird deutlich, dass der Schwund des Genitivs im Gesprochenen nicht ohne Folge für seine Stellung blieb.

Abstract

This paper investigates the development of sentential negation in Middle High German using sermons from the Upper German dialect area. To this end, a heterogeneous yet fine-grained corpus of Alemannic and Bavarian sermons is analysed with respect to diachronic development, geographical distribution and language-internal factors. What becomes clear is that Jespersen’s Cycle, a cross-linguistic model of the development of negation that can be seen as part of the received history of German negation, fails to account for the mechanisms in the development of sentential negation in German. These mechanisms cannot be understood independently of the – in some respects parallel – development of n‑indefinites. It appears that the interplay of variation and the grammaticalisation of the n‑indefinite nicht, which co-occurred with ne but could also appear on its own, played a more important role in the emergence of the negation particle nicht than previously thought. It is argued that when nicht was grammaticalised it retained the variation of the n-indefinite nicht, and that the subsequent loss of ne was a parallel development in both usages of nicht.1

Footnotes

1

Für wertvolle Hinweise zu einer früheren Version dieses Beitrags möchte ich mich bei Stephan Elspaß, Helmut Graser, Nils Langer, Sonja Müller, Konstantin Niehaus, Hannes Scheutz und zwei anonymen GutachterInnen herzlich bedanken.

Abstract

Dialect atlases comprise considerable numbers of linguistic feature maps, i.e. dialect maps representing one linguistic feature each. Large amounts of data like these are often difficult to handle. This article presents a new quantitative method for the automatic analysis of such large corpora of linguistic feature maps. It makes use of geographical similarities between single maps to establish a system of criteria for structural relatedness. Furthermore, it employs statistical techniques to test whether given linguistic relations between the maps coincide significantly with structural relations. To achieve this, each underlying point-symbol map is converted into an area-class map (with all the original information still available). These area-class maps yield additional information regarding their structural composition. Cluster analysis is then employed to obtain groupings of similar maps. Such groupings facilitate the search for language-internal factors that influence the geographical distribution of linguistic variants, as the relevance of any given linguistic parameter for spatial patterns can be tested using statistical methods. Moreover, language-external factors, such as topographical conditions, can be tested in the same way. Thus, this new method allows for a profound and substantiated investigation of the regularities that can be found in the geographical distributions of linguistic variants.

Abstract

This article introduces the new Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics by situating it in the developing field of historical sociolinguistics. The landmark paper of , which paid increased attention to extralinguistic factors in the explanation of language variation and change, served as an important basis for the gradual development and expansion of historical sociolinguistics as a separate (sub)field of inquiry, notably since the influential work of Romaine (1982). This article traces the development of the field of historical sociolinguistics and considers some of its basic principles and assumptions, including the uniformitarian principle and the so-called bad data problem. Also, an overview is provided of some of the directions recent research has taken, both in terms of the different types of data used, and in terms of important approaches, themes and topics that are relevant to many studies within the field. The article concludes with considerations of the necessarily multidisciplinary nature of historical sociolinguistics, and invites authors from various research traditions to submit original research articles to the journal, and thus help to further the development of the fascinating field of historical sociolinguistics.