, septimo exacto saeculo a magna unione MCCLVT — MCMLVI,
ediderunt Franciscus R o t h O.E.S.A. et Norbertus T e e u w e n O.E.S.A.
(Cassiacum, Studies in St. Augustine and the AugustinianOrder, Vol. V,
American Series). Augustinian Historical Institute, New York 1956. 872 S.
Jordani de Saxonia Ordinis Eremitarum S. Augustini Liber Vitasfratrum, reo.
Rudolphus A r b e s m a n n et Winfridus H ü m p f n e r . (Cassiacum, Studies
in St. Augustine and the AugustinianOrder, Vol. I, American Series). Cos-
mopolitan Science and Art Service Co., New York 1943
M E X I C O CITY
La Concepcion, 1540. Conceptionist Order.
Regina Coeli, 1573, Conceptionist Order.
Santa Clara, 1573, Franciscan Order.
Jesus Maria, 1581, Conceptionist Order.
San Jeronimo and Santa Paula, 1585, Hieronymite Order.
Nuestra Senora de la Encarnacion, 1593, Conceptionist Order.
Santa Catalina de Siena, 1593, Dominican Order.
San Juan de la Penitencia, 1598, Franciscan Order.
San Lorenzo, 1598, AugustinianOrder.
Santa Ines, 1595-96, Conceptionist Order. Effective in 1600.
Santa Isabel, 1601, Franciscan Order.
San Jose de Gracia, 1610
: A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style , New York 1988, 1 – 27; William Hood, Fra Angelico at San Marco , New Haven/London 1993, 97 – 121; Burke 2004 (as note 15), 76 – 83. in Renaissance Italy. As Michelle O’Malley has convincingly argued, projects such as the Disputation involved several parties and a series of long and detailed negotiations. Over the course of multiple conversations, the artist and his interlocutors – in this case, Andrea, the Peri, and members of the Augustinianorder – would discuss matters ranging from prices and materials, to
Augustinianisms and scholars of Augustine. So one could
suggest that a good deal of teaching Augustine is about Augustinianism(s).
Of course this slippery term should not be confi ned to its use in political
theory (‘Political Augustinianism’), nor to a history of the Augustinianorder, nor simply to his anti-Pelagianism.
I have found myself fascinated by the subtle and friendly hi-jackings of
Augustine, for example in John Scotus. The Neoplatonic terminology used
by both Augustine and Dionysius is suffi ciently alike that ‘fi nding God by
looking within’ means locating
Germany’s major centres of print.
For most of 1517 Luther was scarcely known outside his own Augustinianorder. By 1520 he was Germany’s most published author; by 1521 the most
published individual, living or dead, in the history of printing.1 These statistics
are the most measurable element of an extraordinary confluence of circumstanc-
es: Luther’s astonishing, instinctive facility as a writer; the failure of the church
authorities to comprehend the magnitude of what was unfolding around them;
the remarkable flexibility of print as a tool. In 1518 and 1519 Luther
u m , von dem die ältere Serie seit 1936 als „Samm-
lung wissenschaftlicher Forschungen über den hl. Augustinus und den Augusti-
nerorden" in Würzburg, die jüngere seit 1943 als „Studies in St. Augustine and
the AugustinianOrder" in New York erscheint.
4 Von den zahlreichen Arbeiten dieser Art seien genannt: A. Z u m k e l l e r ,
Das Mönditum des hl. Augustinus, Cassiciacum 11 (Würzburg 1950); U. D ο -
m i n g u e z d e l V a l , San Agustin, fundador, in: La Ciudad de Dios 169
(1956), S. 478—501; H. G i a l d i n i , Ideale monastico di Sant' Agostino (Rom
; in Paris, with Gregory of Rimini. T h e
effective isolation of O x f o r d as a theological centre by the Hundred Years War
means that the schoia Augustiniana moderna is largely due to the influence of
Gregory of Rimini and his follower, Hugol ino of Orvieto. Recent studies have
confirmed that there existed a relatively well-defined and coherent school of
thought, particularly associated with, but not confined to, the AugustinianOrder, in the later mediaeval period, following the general lines marked out for
them by Gregory of Rimini. T h e following