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The Story of John and Abigail Adams in Europe

’est l’excessive opulence et l’excessive misère qui nomment, tandis 15549 qu’en France c’est l’aisance, renfermée dans les bornes d’une heureuse médiocrité. Nos électeurs sont de cette classe intermédiaire, dans laquelle résident, comme on l’a dit, la richesse nationale, la force et les lumières. Tous ces électeurs savent parfaitement ce qu’il leur faut pour être libres, protégés par les lois, et garantis contre l’arbitraire. Ils possèdent donc toute 20 la science requise pour faire de bons choix. De tels électeurs n’ont pas besoin de chefs. Ils doivent

. Its message is all too clear: Achievement comes thru absolute power and power comes thru strength . . . this nation is the product of reason &corn (S, 162) And, one might add, beans. Only to a privileged class does a “hill of beans amount to nothing.” To poor Indians in the Southwest, for example, the trope is meaningless, and “I” notices this fact by paying attention to the figure of speech, “not the hill.” Those 225 who are in a position to indulge themselves in such a figure are the same who hide behind a rhetoric of humanist concern—who abhor the excessive

of these uncertain and dynamic times. We show that they live in worlds characterized by both extreme scarcity and excessive opulence. Th eir habitats are marked by political agonism, on the one hand, and unaccountable state institutions, on the other. Intense scrambles for resources are animated by violent forms of entrepreneurialism and cultures of criminality. Th e workings and the social consequences of such predatory regimes have hardly been docu- mented to date.⁵ In the following sections we outline the nature of Mafi a Raj polit- ical economies in India

mirror motif proves paradigmatic for the gener- ally ironic self-positioning of the novel vis-à-vis the generic tradition. And, as with Campe, his alternative to the excessive opulence of the popular Oriental tale is a mode of literary production in the service of individual productivity and greater social transparency. In this case it is Schach-Gebal who occupies the position of consumer, being served up the history of Scheschian at the end of the day in much the same manner as the children in Campe’s novel. The tales he is told of the Sche- schian kings and the

further elaborating his rival vision of an Ornamentalist similarity between Indian and British civi- lization, and doing so in striking terms. 104 • I n di a In eighteenth-century Western political thought, the view that (unlike in Europe) all “Oriental” governments were marked by arbitrary and absolute rule, excessive opulence, sensuality, and lack of development—and that Muslim governments were particularly egregious instances of this general trend—was pervasive.29 Burke’s writings and speeches on India fl atly denied this view, which was infl uentially

, for example, the trope is meaningless, and " I " no- tices this fact by paying attention to the figure of speech, "not the hill." Those who are in a position to indulge themselves in such a figure are the same who hide behind a rhetoric of human- ist concern—who abhor the excessive opulence & waste, the blatant commercialization on which society is built, the selfish introspective approach to world a f f a i r s . . . (S 1 6 5 ) Sllab, speaking through its talking hill of beans, has appropri- ated all symbol systems and rhetorics and feeds it back, like a

. [Stanford University Press does not hold electronic rights to this image.] Frances Burney’s Mechanics of Coming Out 145 rhetorical energies to perfecting the crafting of her own “little people.” These were the characters that populate her novels, and provoked the English Review (January 1783), upon the publication of Cecilia, to praise all of its figures for seeming “fairly purchased at the great work-shop of life.”48 Their “numerous[ness]” and “excessive opulence” prompted edmund Burke to write Burney in a letter: “You have crowded into a few small volumes

indicator of wealth and hence of high status, as ex- emplified by the intentions of Berlioz with regard to some of his scores. In contrast, a very large orchestra may at times be consid- ered symbolic of excessive opulence and hence of bad taste. Finally, distinctions among musical forms concern the choice of the editions retained for the performance. In contrast to the use of the transcriptions of Bach's music by Tausig, Liszt, Busoni, or Re- spighi—which has been considered alternatively to be a sign of 152 THE STRUCTURE OF ARTISTIC REVOLUTIONS high or low culture

lengthy exhortation to live soberly, to beware of excessive wealth, and to take care lest “the love of work be continually spurred by the desire for gain.” In Olbie there was neither excessive opulence nor extreme indigence. Simplicity of taste was “a ground for preference and an object of consideration.” If a man did his work badly— if he was, say, a merchant or artisan who abused the trust of his fellow citizens or an administrator who failed to render the ser vices expected of him— then he should be declared a “useless person.”47 Thus the market would be