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, Deutsches Steuerrecht (DStR) 2016, p. 1817, at p. 1818. is much lower here than elsewhere in the Union. However, on the other hand, Britons tend to neglect the advantages that a native speaker of English has in the internal market – and in diplomatic negotiations on matters of financial markets regulation with their smattering European partners in Brussels. The UK Supreme Court, in its judgment of 24 January 2017, named one of the reasons why Parliament would need to decide on Brexit: because it would abrogate a set of rights that British citizens enjoy thanks to the

“economic integration of member States in order to create within the EAEU a common financial market and to ensure non-discriminatory access to the financial markets of the member States”. Dogovor o Evraziyskom ekonomicheskom soyuze (Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union), p. 53. Article 103 of the EAEU Treaty envisages the establishment of a supranational supervisory authority for financial market regulation by 2025 in the city of Almaty (Republic of Kazakhstan). Appendix No. 17 to the EAEU Treaty, which includes the ‘Protocol on Financial Services’ (PFS), is of

’s debt rates were soaring as well. Thus, Imperial Germany provides us with the unique opportunity to study the financial market-sovereign debt nexus under the condition of first “treatment effects” of rigid financial market regulation. The German Empire can be viewed as a kind of natural experiment for studying why and how states and finance develop a joint interest in a liquid financial market. The paper is structured as follows. The next section explains how this study links the literature on the financial market-sovereign debt nexus with the policy feedback concept

Abstract

The European Union (EU) has faced not only the international financial crisis, but also the European banking and the sovereign debt crisis. A lack of efficient regulations and supervision were a serious cause of recent developments. As a reaction, the EU finally implemented a framework covering both micro- and macro-prudential policies. Measures such as the new capital requirements, the deposit guarantee schemes, the green paper on shadow banking and, most importantly, the new approach for a macro-prudential supervision are headed towards crisis prevention. However, the challenge is to define regulations enhancing financial stability, which, at the same time, do not prevent institutions from generating reasonable financial risks and do not reduce growth. In that regard, the presented measures still have deficits which have to be faced. Furthermore, coordination between various authorities and the European Commission remains another challenge.

a speech by Christine Lagarde, then French Minister of Finance: “We need a City that plays by different rules”. On 7 July 2010, Jean-Paul Gauzès, then Rapporteur for Financial Market Regulation in the European Parliament and member of Sarkozy’s party UMP, explained in Le Figaro: “Dans un pays comme la France, il y a une vraie tradition de surveillance des institutions financières. L’avantage d’une supervision européenne serait d’étendre les mêmes règles partout”. In other words, the idea was to impose the regulations of the more restrictive majority, especially

central supervisor of credit institutions. This paper deals with challenges that arise from entrusting the ECB with tasks of banking and financial supervision and therefore the ambiguity of the term “financial market regulation in the crisis”. Financial market regulation in the crisis can be looked at from two per- spectives: On the one hand, it can be understood as being a re- sponse to the crisis. On the other hand, the term can imply that financial regulation itself is in a crisis. In this paper the difference between the two possible interpretations is discussed

Einfluss der Finanzmarktregulierung auf das Geschäftsmodell der Kreditgenossenschaften
How Decades of Bailouts, Captive Regulators, and Toxic Bankers Made Home Mortgages a Thrilling Business