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Die Nachricht, dass Frankreich moderne Panzerabwehrraketen an Syrien liefere, sorgte 1978 für Unruhe in Israel. Produziert wurden die Flugkörper im Rahmen einer deutsch-französischen Rüstungskooperation. Daher forderte Israel von der Bundesregierung, das Waffengeschäft zu unterbinden. Es kam zu einem monatelangen Konflikt zwischen Bonn und Jerusalem, den Hubert Leber erstmals anhand von Archivquellen aus beiden Ländern untersucht. Die Analyse bietet Einsichten zur normativen Entwicklung der deutschen Rüstungsexport- und Israel-Politik. Nach außen gab sich die Regierung Schmidt/Genscher machtlos. Tatsächlich aber verzichtete sie darauf, eine Veto-Option auszuschöpfen, die sie sich intern gegen Exporte aus Partnerländer der Rüstungskooperation vorbehalten hatte. Zu den Folgen gehörte, dass israelische Soldaten im Libanonkrieg 1982 durch deutsche Militärtechnik verletzt oder getötet wurden.

Konflikt und Verständigung in den deutsch-französischen Beziehungen der 1970er Jahre
Alexander von Humboldt und Frankreich
Le couple France-Allemagne et l'unification de l'Europe (1963-1969)
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, and the Search for Human Rights Jay Winter | 97 “A Blessed Act of Oblivion”: Human Rights, European Unity and Postwar Reconciliation Marco Duranti | 115 RECONCILIATION IN THE AFTERMATH OF WORLD WAR II Franco-German Rapprochement and Reconciliation in the Ecclesial Domain: The Meeting of Bishops in Bühl (1949) and the Congress of Speyer (1950) Ulrike Schröber | 143 A Right to Irreconcilability? Oradour-sur-Glane, German-French Relations and the Limits of Reconciliation after World War II Andrea Erkenbrecher | 167 From Atonement to

forces in their countries as traitors, just because of their attempt to reconcile France C O N C L U S I O N 1 27 and Germany. Persecution and assassination of such men as Jean Jaures proved that. I am happy that now the right wing of public opinion in both our countries has joined the movement. But German-French relations should not be regarded as a kind of separate bloc excluding and op- posing others. The Bundestag, at the request of my party — and I drafted a good deal of the resolution — made a preamble to the German-French treaty saying that we regard

, possibly the work of Stresemann, 1775/3642/807609-15. 178 FREEDOM FOR THE RHINELAND tions with the West and complicated German domestic politics. And if Stresemann continued to talk and defer action on military occupation, his arguments would soon lose their impact, and Ger- man demands would no longer be taken seriously. The way to escape from this situation, Schubert argued, was to destroy the illusion that "when all is said and done," the German government "will accept the presence of foreign troops on German territory without German-French relations being

a perception filter and that of a dynamic 212 Abstracts interaction which is a constant of the history of German-French relations: The former consists of applying the observer's categories of perception to the object under ob- servation, whereas the latter reflects the cycle of reactions which alternately are provoked by distrustful views and interpretations from the outside and again justify initial distrust. Sabine von Oppeln Remarks on the Debate on a European Identity The European dimension of collective identity is in the focus of the here presented

: 'German-French relations and the third party' (Nov.-Dec. 1947) 501 153. Hans Ehard: 'The European situation and German federalism' (3 April 1947) 508 154. Carlo Schmid: 'Europe: only possible as a federation' (May 1948) 513 155. Eugen Kogon: 'Prospects for Europe' (Sept. 1948) 516 156. Karl Arnold: radio broadcast (1 Jan. 1949) 519 157. Max Brauer: 'The results of the European Congress in Brussels' (6 March 1949) 521 158. Europa-Union: resolution of the first ordinary congress (22 May 1949) 524 159. Basic law of the Federal Republic of Germany (23 May 1949

altered the European diplomatic situation.51 Consequently, uninformed as to the con- tent of the conversation, the Germans formed their own opinions of its implications for British-German relations. Sthamer, who three weeks earlier had discounted the practical political sig- nificance of the prospective state visit,52 came away from his interview with Tyrrell with a distinctly pessimistic reaction: My impression of the conversation was very unfavorable. It is my conviction that England has declared to France a kind of disinterest in German-French relations