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This work presents a study of mixed gender agreement in the case of hybrid nouns in Russian. Examination of a number of approaches which seek to account for the category “gender” shows that these approaches are problematic when trying to explain mixed gender agreement in hybrid nouns. It is proposed here that the multiple-layer DP-hypothesis by Zamparelli (1995 and subsequent work) is best suited to analyze the Russian data. However, this rests on the crucial assumption that Russian demonstratives can occupy multiple positions within the DP, something that must still be verified by future work.

Greville G. Corbett Hybrid nouns and their complexity Abstract: Hybrid nouns, nouns which induce different agreements according to the target, have been described in various languages. The new question is why they exist at all. There is clear evidence that hybrids vary considerably in the agreement they control, even within a single language. It therefore seems logical to align this variability with lexical semantics, and this is convincing for some hybrids. But this motivation is hard to reconcile with the fact that some hybrids are hybrids only for part

English in contact with Spanish, radical hybridism reaches radical bilingualism through sustained CS between the multiple varieties of Spanish and English in both works. Further, I show how radical bilingualism takes shape in Díaz’s texts through the indirect influence of Spanish in monolingual English sentences, multidialectal English, intra-word insertions, a diversity of insertion types, hybrid noun-phrases and hybrid sentences to reflect the innovation of the Spanish-English grammar in written texts. 1.3 Analytical methods In order to examine the linguistic nature


the typology of conjunction and agreement | 75 Part 2: (Pro-)nominal agreement Michele Loporcaro The impact of morphology on change in agreement systems | 103 Lien De Vos Pronominal gender agreement: a salience-based competition | 127 Kyle Jerro and Stephen Wechsler Person-marked quantifiers in Kinyarwanda | 147 Aaron Griffith Degrees of agreement in Old Irish | 165 viii       Contents Part 3: Mismatch constellations and resolution contexts Greville G. Corbett Hybrid nouns and their complexity | 191 Hans-Olav Enger When friends and teachers become hybrids (even

of Slavic Linguistics 26(2). 307–335. Steriopolo, O. 2018b: Mixed gender agreement in the case of Russian hybrid nouns. Questions and Answers in Linguistics 5(1). 1–15. Steriopolo, O. and M. Wiltschko. 2010: Distributed gender hypothesis. In: G. Zybatow, P. Dudchuk, S. Minor, E. Pshehotskaya (eds.) 2010: Formal Studies in Slavic Linguistics . New York: Peter Lang, 155–172. Stump, G. 1993a. How peculiar is evaluative morphology? Journal of Linguistics 29, 1–36. Stump, G. 1993b. Reconstructing morphology: The case of Bantu prefixation. Linguistic Analysis 23

GRAMMATISCHE UND SEMANTISCHE KONGRUENZ IN DER GESCHICHTE DES DEUTSCHEN: EINE DIACHRONE STUDIE ZU DEN KONGRUENZFORMEN VON AHD. WĪB, NHD. WEIB* The Old/New High German hybrid noun wı̄b/Weib ‘woman; wife’ is of keen interest for the study of agreement: it is grammatically neuter but refers to women, so that its agreement targets can take neuter or feminine forms, resulting in formal or semantic agreement, respectively. In this diachronic study, agreeing forms are analyzed in twelve texts/corpora representing all historical stages of German from the 9th to the 20th

form is still preferred. In gender literature nouns mani- festing this kind of agreement behaviour are called hybrid (Corbett 1991: 183) or fuzzy gender nouns (van Helden 1993, 2: 985). In Russian the most prominent group of hybrid nouns are first declen- sion nouns denoting people belonging to particular professions or oc- cupations. The aim of this paper is to show how the description of Russian gender is shifting from the traditional lexicon-centred approach to a 7 7 2 Ahti Nikunlassi schema-based model which can cope with inconsistent agreement and other

that gender suffixes have their own concep- tual meanings, which are socially and culturally determined and defined, although they are not lexical items. Grammatical gender clash, attribution, and innovative speakers The cases examined in the previous section were, to a certain degree, manifestations of the agreement possibilities of Greek hybrid nouns. Thus, they can all be interpreted as alternative synonymous expressions differing mostly (and in a broad sense) in their emotive and social mean- ings, since delineation of the distinction between "under age" and

. Van de Velde (8) Schau look dir you dieses this.neut Mädchen girl an, at wie how gut good sie/es she/it Tennis tennis spielt. plays ‘Do look at this girl, see how well she plays tennis.’ (Batliner 1984: 849, cited via Corbett 1991: 228) In (8) the demonstrative has neuter gender agreement. The personal pronoun can be taken either from the agreement pattern associated with neuter gender or from that of the feminine gender. Because of their mixed agreement pattern, nouns like ndugu and Mädchen are called hybrid nouns. Agreement as pre- dicted by the morphological