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The Martyrdom of Diego Ortiz (1571) by Antonio de la Calancha [1638]

, archaeological investigation at the house- INTERPRETING PREHISTORIC CHANGE 7 hold level may produce information that contradicts generally held assumptions. An excellent example of this is Christine Hastorf's (1990a) study of Sausa domestic con­ texts. In a brilliant investigation of the effects of Inca conquest on the Sausa popula­ tion, Hastorf tested a widely accepted assumption that Inca political economy operated outside the domestic sector, leaving the "larder of the peasant. . . untouched" (Murra 1980:79). Using a variety of evidence obtained from Sausa domestic

. Recuerdos de la campaña de la Breña. Lima. Morris, Craig. 1967. "The technology and organization of highland Inca food stor- age." Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Chicago. Muratorio, Blanca. 1987. Rucuyaya Alonso y la historia social y económica del Alto Ñapo 1850-1950. Quito: Editorial Abya-Yala. Murra, John. 1958. "On Inca political structure." In Y. F. Ray, Systems of politi- cal control and bureaucracy in human societies. Proceedings of the American Ethnological Association. 268 Bibliography . 1964. "Una apreciación etnológica de la visita." In Diez de San

with, 282 Colca Valley, 107 Colegio Nacional (Puno area), 187 Colla: Altiplano-period diagnostics in, 227–28; and Aymara-speakers, 53; Cieza on, 74; as complex society, 206; exchange relations of, in Moquegua, 270, 271; Inca-Lupaqa alliance against, 14, 238, I N D E X 3 3 6 270, 271; Inca secondary urban centers in, 241–42, 305nn3,4; Inca tertiary urban centers in, 242–43; Lupaqa’s battle with, 13, 237, 301n1; pre-Inca political organization of, 15; Pukina relationship with, 59; region/capital of, 208; uses of term, 46 Collao (circum-Titicaca region), 44; area

gained ascendancy in the Andes. Its second goal is to explore the inter-cultural mythologies of al- liance, which present a greater interpretive challenge than the unilateral triumphalism of conquest. Soon after encountering them, Andean people began to call Spaniards viracochas, after important ancestral dei- ties in their own tradition. Exactly what this name meant when applied to the Spaniards is debatable. I will argue that it identified them as the founders of a decentralized pre-Inca political order, one that their Andean allies hoped to restore. As Spaniards

period, and can be traced back to the time of the Inca political empire. However, for longer time analysis, the limitation of the Central Andes essentially to Peru is justified on the grounds that wider cultural unity to include Ecuador and Bolivia is not verified for the pre-Inca periods." (p. 11.) 210 Men and Cultures And finally he observes that with the imposition of western civilization: "Commercial crops, mechanical transportation, and new power techniques profoundly affected the region as a whole. However, for the pre-Conquest periods, the changes which

south- eastern Continsuyu, the sparsely populated eastern forests called Andesuyu, and to the south, Collasuyu, by many accounts the jewel in the crown of the Inca empire. Tawantinsuyu was a complex, powerful empire that conquered most of its known world in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and then resisted 3 0 Spanish aggression for a generation. But Inca power did not develop in a historical instant; the roots of Inca political and economic organization are found in the three thousand years of complex societies that preceded the formation of Tawantinsuyu. In

. An intrahousehold strategy does not preclude extrahousehold strategies, and rulers may pursue a set of interrelated strategies to extract surplus from the same household. In the works of Cathy Costin and Timothy Earle (1989) and Hastorf (1990a) we see examples of how the Inca state political economy affected household patterns. Hastorf (1990a) shows that Inca political economy, widely considered to consist of ex­ trahousehold strategies of mobilization that left "the larder of the peasant . . . un­ touched" (Murra 1980:79), actually involved intrahousehold

'Ajuda, Lisbonne, Codex 51-VII-44, f. 479 (r). 80. Antonio da Silveira avait noté, nous l'avons vu, dans une lettre du 18 juil- let 1517, que le Monomotapa devait se procurer des pagnes pour payer ses soldats : « ...sans ce produit, le Menamotapa ne peut avoir des hommes ni faire la guerre ». Cf. DPMAC, vol. V, p. 568. 81. Anon., Descripçâo... (1683) ; loc. cit. 82. John V. Murra, « On Inca Political Structure », in Verne F. Ray, (éd.), Systems of Political Control and Bureaucracy in Human Societies, American Ethnological Society, University of Washington Press, Seattle

maximize productivity. Livestock, too, had been bred to provide ani- mals with specific characteristics, such as llamas for carrying loads and for meat, and alpacas for wool (Rowe 1946: 219). Thus, the Incas, al- though they may not have invented any technology that had not earlier been in use (Espinoza Soriano 1990: 415), did work to apply it and to organize labour in production in order to achieve maximum results, in a state-led precursor to a kind of Taylorism. The Huancas, like other conquered groups, were integrated into the Inca political economy. They were