, archaeological investigation at the house-
INTERPRETING PREHISTORIC CHANGE 7
hold level may produce information that contradicts generally held assumptions. An
excellent example of this is Christine Hastorf's (1990a) study of Sausa domestic con
texts. In a brilliant investigation of the effects of Inca conquest on the Sausa popula
tion, Hastorf tested a widely accepted assumption that Incapolitical economy operated
outside the domestic sector, leaving the "larder of the peasant. . . untouched" (Murra
1980:79). Using a variety of evidence obtained from Sausa domestic
. Recuerdos de la campaña de la Breña. Lima.
Morris, Craig. 1967. "The technology and organization of highland Inca food stor-
age." Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Chicago.
Muratorio, Blanca. 1987. Rucuyaya Alonso y la historia social y económica del Alto
Ñapo 1850-1950. Quito: Editorial Abya-Yala.
Murra, John. 1958. "On Incapolitical structure." In Y. F. Ray, Systems of politi-
cal control and bureaucracy in human societies. Proceedings of the American
. 1964. "Una apreciación etnológica de la visita." In Diez de San
gained ascendancy in
Its second goal is to explore the inter-cultural mythologies of al-
liance, which present a greater interpretive challenge than the unilateral
triumphalism of conquest. Soon after encountering them, Andean
people began to call Spaniards viracochas, after important ancestral dei-
ties in their own tradition. Exactly what this name meant when applied
to the Spaniards is debatable. I will argue that it identified them as
the founders of a decentralized pre-Incapolitical order, one that their
Andean allies hoped to restore. As Spaniards
period, and can be traced back to the time of the Incapolitical
empire. However, for longer time analysis, the limitation of the Central
Andes essentially to Peru is justified on the grounds that wider cultural
unity to include Ecuador and Bolivia is not verified for the pre-Inca periods."
210 Men and Cultures
And finally he observes that with the imposition of western civilization:
"Commercial crops, mechanical transportation, and new power techniques
profoundly affected the region as a whole. However, for the pre-Conquest
periods, the changes which
eastern Continsuyu, the sparsely populated eastern
forests called Andesuyu, and to the south, Collasuyu,
by many accounts the jewel in the crown of the Inca
Tawantinsuyu was a complex, powerful empire
that conquered most of its known world in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and then resisted
Spanish aggression for a generation. But Inca power
did not develop in a historical instant; the roots of
Incapolitical and economic organization are found
in the three thousand years of complex societies that
preceded the formation of Tawantinsuyu.
intrahousehold strategy does not preclude extrahousehold strategies, and rulers may
pursue a set of interrelated strategies to extract surplus from the same household.
In the works of Cathy Costin and Timothy Earle (1989) and Hastorf (1990a) we see
examples of how the Inca state political economy affected household patterns. Hastorf
(1990a) shows that Incapolitical economy, widely considered to consist of ex
trahousehold strategies of mobilization that left "the larder of the peasant . . . un
touched" (Murra 1980:79), actually involved intrahousehold
Codex 51-VII-44, f. 479 (r).
80. Antonio da Silveira avait noté, nous l'avons vu, dans une lettre du 18 juil-
let 1517, que le Monomotapa devait se procurer des pagnes pour payer ses
soldats : « ...sans ce produit, le Menamotapa ne peut avoir des hommes ni
faire la guerre ». Cf. DPMAC, vol. V, p. 568.
81. Anon., Descripçâo... (1683) ; loc. cit.
82. John V. Murra, « On IncaPolitical Structure », in Verne F. Ray, (éd.),
Systems of Political Control and Bureaucracy in Human Societies, American
Ethnological Society, University of Washington Press, Seattle
maximize productivity. Livestock, too, had been bred to provide ani-
mals with specific characteristics, such as llamas for carrying loads and
for meat, and alpacas for wool (Rowe 1946: 219). Thus, the Incas, al-
though they may not have invented any technology that had not earlier
been in use (Espinoza Soriano 1990: 415), did work to apply it and to
organize labour in production in order to achieve maximum results, in
a state-led precursor to a kind of Taylorism.
The Huancas, like other conquered groups, were integrated into
the Incapolitical economy. They were