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EIGHT JOHN QUINCY ADAMS NO ANTEBELLUM FIGURE better illustrates the tensions be-tween political morality and democratic polity than John Quincy Adams. From 1781 to 1828 Adams served his country with intel- ligence, effectiveness, and at times real distinction: as minister, in turn, to the Netherlands, Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain; as the chief United States negotiator in the Treaty of Ghent; as a member of the Massachusetts legislature, which in turn elected him to the U.S. Senate; and as secretary of state under James Monroe. Adams also declined an

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS ALS KRITIKER VON HAUTERIVE UND GENTZ (1801) Ein amerikanischer Beitrag zu einem europäischen Gespräch VON ALEXANDER VON HASE I M Jahre 1800 erschien in Paris ein Versudi, der allgemeines Auf- sehen erregte1) und sich bald nicht nur im französischen, sondern auch im englischen und deutschen Sprachraum !) diskutiert sah. Von den Zeitgenossen wurde er - das Buch kam anonym heraus - wieder- holt Talleyrand zugesprochen3). Eine Meinung, die nodi Napoleon auf St. Helena teilte4). In Wahrheit ging der Essay freilich auf einen der nächsten

179 1950 AWARD ABOUT THE STATESMAN JOHN QUINCY ADAMS BY SAMUEL F. BEMIS Samuel Flagg Bemis (bom on October 20, 1891, in Worcester, Mass.) stu- died at Clark University, where he received the Master's degree in 1913. Bemis added Harvard's Master of Arts degree to that of Clark in 1915 and earned a doctorate in philosophy after a year of study in England and France on a fellowship. He began his teaching career as an instructor in history at Colorado College and in 1918 he was advanced to associate professor. Two years later Bemis was appointed professor of history

60 c h a p t e r s e v e n John Quincy Adams and the Problem of Neighborhood Peace broke out in Europe after the defeat of Napoleon in 1814–15. At the Congress of Vienna delegations from Britain, the Austrian and Russian empires, the kingdom of Prussia, and the restored Bourbon kingdom of France upheld the principle of dynastic legitimacy, compromised on terri- torial issues, calibrated a balance of power, and pledged to concert their diplomacy to prevent future wars. Far less signifi cant was the so- called Holy Alliance, whereby the monarchs of Russia

CHAPTER 7 The Political Incompetence of John Quincy Adams I am forty-fi ve years old. Two-thirds of a long life are past, and I have done nothing to distinguish it by usefulness to my country or to mankind. I have always lived with, I hope, a suitable sense of my duties in society, and with a sincere desire to perform them. But passions, indolence, weakness, and infi rmity have sometimes made me swerve from my better knowledge of right and almost constantly paralyzed my efforts of good. —John Quincy Adams, diary entry, July 11, 1812 I am a man of reserved

Chapter 2 John Quincy Adams and America’s Tortured Empire During the last months of his life Benjamin Franklin, like most Americans, cheered the onset of the French Revolution. Also like most Americans, the name Napoleon Bonaparte meant nothing to him. Within the next decade, however, the twists and turns of the French Revolution and Napoleon’s ascendancy gravely upset the balance of empires, precipitating another face-off between Britain and France. As the new empire on the global block, albeit a struggling one, the United States became a pawn caught in

290 6 THE INFLUENCE OF OUR EXAMPLE The Legacy of John Quincy Adams Fittingly enough, when the end came it found an eighty- year- old John Quincy Adams sitting diligently at his post. He had suffered a stroke a year and a half earlier, made a partial recovery, and returned to Congress. While weakened, he had by no means retired. That afternoon, the House took a vote on a resolu- tion honoring the general offi cers who had fought in the Mexican- American War. Adams, having condemned the war, opposed the resolution, and voted with the minority of nays in

13 1 THE FIRES OF HONORABLE AMBITION The Education of John Quincy Adams Shortly before boarding a ship in May 1785 that would take him back to America for the fi rst time in seven years, John Quincy Adams asked his father “please to present my best re- spects to Mr. Jefferson . . . and all our friends in Paris. If you see the Marquis, you will inform him, that his Dogs are on board, and shall be well kept, if my attention to them has any effect.”1 While this remark, which concluded a brief letter to his father, John Adams, detailing his seventeen- year